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Eelco Harteveld Wouter Van Der Brug Stefan Dahlberg Andrej Kokkonen 《Patterns of Prejudice》2015,49(1-2):103-134
ABSTRACTIn most countries, men are more likely to vote for parties of the populist radical right (PRR) than women. The authors argue here that there are two mechanisms that might potentially explain this gender gap: mediation (women's attitudes and characteristics differ from men's in ways that explain the PRR vote) and moderation (women vote for different reasons than men). They apply these two mechanisms to general theories of support for PRR parties—the socio-structural model, the discontent model, and the policy vote model—and test these on a large sample of voters in seventeen Western and Eastern European countries. The study shows that the gender gap is produced by a combination of moderation and mediation. Socio-structural differences between men and women exist, but the extent to which they explain the gender gap is limited, and primarily restricted to post-Communist countries. Furthermore, women generally do not differ from men in their level of nativism, authoritarianism or discontent with democracy. Among women, however, these attitudes are less strongly related to a radical-right vote. This suggests that men consider the issues of the radical right to be more salient, but also that these parties deter women for reasons other than the content of their political programme. While the existing research has focused almost exclusively on mediation, we show that moderation and mediation contribute almost equally to the gender gap. 相似文献
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William Howell Stefan Krasa Mattias Polborn 《American journal of political science》2020,64(3):554-568
We study a model of electoral competition in which politicians must decide whether to initiate the provision of some public good and, afterward, how much of the public good to supply. The model illuminates how a project's implementation affects elections and, conversely, how electoral considerations influence decisions about implementation. Under well-defined conditions, politicians will either implement projects that they do not like or delay projects that, absent electoral concerns, they would support. The model further reveals how the perceived benefits of holding office can impede the production of public goods about which there is broad consensus. And depending on facts about the program's structure and the electoral landscape, a policy's implementation can either mitigate or exacerbate political conflict. 相似文献
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This article shows how the House of Lords has, in recent years,embarked on a retreat from its landmark decision in Pepper vHart which had relaxed the rule prohibiting courts from usingministerial statements made in Parliament for the purpose ofinterpreting statutes. This development was initiated by a lecturegiven by Lord Steyn in May 2000 and subsequently published inthis journal. The article attempts to refute the reasons advancedin support of the retreat. In addition, it sets out to showthat the alternative solution proposed by Lord Steyn createsboth conceptual and practical difficulties. As a result it arguesfor a reversal of the retreat. 相似文献