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971.
972.
Stephen Ward Wainer Lusoli Rachel Gibson 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(2):210-222
New media technologies, such as the internet and email, have been seen as providing opportunities to reinvigorate representative democracy and parliamentary institutions. This article examines the use of new technologies by Australian Members of Parliament (MPs). It looks at the growth and function of MPs' websites and assesses how far such technologies might facilitate changes in their electorate, party and parliamentary roles. We analyse what factors persuade MPs to move online and how they then use the technologies. The results indicate that while websites amongst legislators are growing, they are used primarily as supplementary, administrative tools. Overall, technological innovation in the Australian Parliament is still relatively rare and it appears there are systemic barriers that limit the potential of information communication technologies (ICTs) in the representative process. 相似文献
973.
Stephen Page 《Public administration review》2007,67(2):342-342
In this reply to Catlaw and Chapman's commentary, Dr. Page acknowledges that attention to New Public Management theory is all well and good, but it should not come at the expense of field observation of the associated phenomena. 相似文献
974.
The public choice literature urges the welfare economist toanticipate how political forces will shape the levels of newpolicy instruments when government intervenes in a new way.This paper argues that the welfare economist should alsorecognize that new interventions may impact the politicallydetermined levels of existing policy instruments. It shows howthe introduction of a new instrument can lead to shifts inpolitical coalitions or compromises in existing areas ofconflict that can produce significant changes in existingpolicies. Such spillover effects can provide new arguments forintroducing particular policy interventions. Even a policyinstrument without an obvious welfare economic rationale canchange voter coalitions and shift the policy equilibrium in awelfare improving direction. 相似文献
975.
976.
Michael G. Aamodt Stephen A. Dwight Michael A. Surrette 《Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology》1997,12(2):42-47
The efficacy of the F scale and F-K index in detecting faking of a mental illness was investigated for both the MMPI and MMPI-2.
A total of 72 undergraduate students completed the MMPI and 74 completed the MMPI-2 after receiving instructions to feign
severe mental illness. Student responses were analyzed against MMPI (n=180) and MMPI-2 (n=76) data obtained from psychiatric
inpatients diagnosed with severe mental illnesses. Multiple regression analysis of the validity scales and F-K index indicate
that the F scale is the best predictor of malingering both for the MMPI (r=64) and MMPI-2 (r=.74) and the two samples combined
(r=.71). The Si and D scales accounted for statistically significant, yet small, amounts of incremental validity. The presence
of a “sawtooth” pattern did not add any incremental validity. Though an F scale cut-off score of T>109 resulted in an 85.9%
classification accuracy rate, it appears that categorizing scores into one of five ranges results in better classification
accuracy than a single cut-off score. 相似文献
977.
Scott A. Stout Gregory S. Douglas Allen D. Uhler Kevin J. McCarthy Stephen D. Emsbo-Mattingly 《环境索赔杂志》2005,17(1):71-88
Oil spills of unknown origin, so-called “mystery” spills, occur routinely in rivers, open water, and navigable coastal waterways. The natural resources damage (NRD) liability associated with even a small volume of oil released into the environment warrants that a thorough chemical characterization of the spilled oil be conducted by agencies and potentially responsible parties (PRPs). Chemical fingerprinting methods have played an important role in the identification of mystery oil spills. These methods fall into two categories, viz., qualitative and quantitative. The qualitative approach relies upon visual comparison of various chromatographic fingerprints obtained by GC/FID and GC/MS analysis of spill and candidate source oils and are represented ASTM methods. The quantitative approach relies upon measurements of the concentrations (relative or absolute) of dozens of diagnostic chemicals, typically PAHs and biomarkers, and a subsequent statistical or numerical analysis of various diagnostic parameters calculated from these concentrations. The quantitative approach is represented by the revised Nordtest methodology. The quantitative approach is preferable for most oil spill investigations since the means of interpretation are objective, whereas the ASTM methods are subjective. Quantitative fingerprinting data are particularly important when the mystery spill and source oils are qualitatively similar and are required when mystery spills may include mixed sources or prespill oil signatures. 相似文献
978.
979.
Understanding the effects of religious attendance on political participation among ethnic minorities of different religions 下载免费PDF全文
Maria Sobolewska Stephen D. Fisher Anthony F. Heath David Sanders 《European Journal of Political Research》2015,54(2):271-287
In the United States, active church membership among ethnic and racial minorities has been linked to higher political participation. In Europe, the influence of religious attendance on political mobilisation of ethnic minorities has so far been little explored, despite the heated public debate about the public role of religion and particularly Islam. This study uses the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study to theorise the relationship between religious attendance and political participation of ethnic minorities in a European context and extend existing theories to non‐Christian minority religions. The article shows that despite a significantly different context in which religion's place in political life is more contentious, regular religious attendance increases political participation rates of ethnic minorities. Some possible explanatory mechanisms are tested and an important distinction is introduced between those mechanisms that mediate, and those that moderate the impact of religion. The study finds that British minority churches and places of worships vary in how willing and effective they are in politically motivating their worshippers, and concludes that this relates to the political salience of certain religions within the United Kingdom context. 相似文献
980.
Guillermo Rosas Yael Shomer Stephen R. Haptonstahl 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):511-528
Roll‐call votes are widely employed to infer the ideological proclivities of legislators. However, many roll‐call matrices are characterized by high levels of nonresponse. Under many circumstances, nonresponse cannot be assumed to be ignorable. We examine the consequences of violating the ignorability assumption that underlies current methods of roll‐call analysis. We present a basic estimation framework to model nonresponse and vote choice concurrently, build a model that captures the logic of competing principals that underlies accounts of nonresponse in many legislatures, and illustrate the payoff of addressing nonignorable nonresponse through both simulated and real data. We conclude that modeling presumed patterns of nonignorable nonresponse can yield important inferential payoffs over current models that assume random missingness, but we also emphasize that the decision to model nonresponse should be based on theoretical grounds since one cannot rely on measures of goodness of fit for the purpose of model comparison. 相似文献