The principal responsibility of refugee decision makers is todetermine those to whom refugee protection is owed. The mannerin which these decisions are to be made in Australia is thesubject of ongoing debate. However, that debate is not the subjectof this paper. The focus of this paper is on the credibilityassessment of refugee applicants and its principal purpose isinstructive. It is my hope that it will enhance the credibilityof credibility assessment within existing processes. Its secondarypurpose is to provide a basis from which policy makers may considerlegislative and other procedural change. It has been suggested that the devil is in the detailin refugee decision making. Working in a common law country,Australian refugee decision makers are afforded the (often binding)benefit of extensive judicial review of the refugee determinationprocess.1 Thus, for Australian decision makers, the devilin the detail is often to be found in a plethora of bindinglegal precedent. Accordingly, while the first part of this paperdiscusses selected matters which have facilitated the assessmentof the credibility of refugee applicants in Australia, as oneof the most authoritative domestic sources available, the secondpart of this paper principally focuses on the expressed viewsof Australian courts after examining credibility findings indecisions of the Refugee Review Tribunal.2相似文献
Even in formally open, liberal, democratic states, a series of barriers exist as obstacles to critical criminologists who
wish to conduct research that scrutinises the activities of powerful states and corporations. Much evidence suggests that
in the current political climate, the barring of access to sources of data, neo-liberal re-configurations in the funding of
research, and the narrowing of publishing and dissemination opportunities to counter-hegemonic voices are severely limiting
the ability to conduct critical research. This article reports on recent experiences of researchers concerned with unmasking
the crimes of the powerful and argues that, despite the obstacles power sources use to obscure and mystify the illegal and
violent practices engaged in by states and corporations, there remains fertile space around research agendas, and in universities,
for critical researchers to exploit. To gain insight from the ways in which researchers can, and do, establish alternative
agendas, this article seeks to explore some of the principles that might inform and encourage those forms of resistance, and
to establish how critical criminologists might continue to subject the powerful to scrutiny.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
In the context of ongoing scandals about public versus private ownership, we review the rise and fall of British nationalised industries, and the subsequent rise of privatisation based on perception of market-based efficiency as a means of improving public service. We evaluate the theoretical and empirical arguments around privatisation and find that the argument of privatisation as a vehicle for efficiency gains is a myth. Instead, we suggest that efficiency is not solely a matter of ownership, but requires a complex interplay of social and commercial variables to make it possible. We call for a more inventive and flexible approach in the search for efficiency in the public sector. 相似文献
The relationship between longitudinal variations of self-awareness and depressed mood in 479 adolescents was examined across four waves of data collection over a seven-year period. Self-awareness was significantly associated with depressed mood, and this association was strongest during midadoles-cence. Regression analyses of changes of depressed mood over time suggest mutual influence between self-awareness and depressed mood. Stressful life events, such as pubescent changes and the relationship with significant others, explained variations in self-awareness. Different influences of these life events were important at varying stages of adolescence.相似文献
This study investigated the relationship between social information processing (SIP) and both relational and overt, physical
aggression in a longitudinally-followed sample of 228 adolescent girls (ages 11–18; 140 with ADHD and 88 comparison girls).
During childhood, girls participated in naturalistic summer camps where peer rejection, overt physical aggression, and relational
aggression were assessed via multiple informants and methods. Approximately 4.5 years later, these girls participated in follow-up
assessments during which they completed a commonly-used vignette procedure to assess SIP; overt and relational aggression
were again assessed through multiple informants. Correlations between (a) overt and relational aggression and (b) maladaptive
SIP were modest in this female adolescent sample. However, relationships between aggression and SIP were stronger for the
comparison girls than for the girls with ADHD. The relevance of SIP models for adolescent girls and clinical implications
of findings are discussed.
China’s rise as a global power corresponded with a diminution of Taiwanese diplomacy, which has left Central America as the last region to host a continuous bloc of countries that recognize the ROC. In this article, we argue that China’s success in gaining diplomatic recognition from Taiwan’s former allies has largely resulted from China's economic policy, specifically its promises of large-scale infrastructure projects and the integration of Central American economies with Chinese markets. However, there are limits to how far China has advanced in gaining full recognition from the region. The competing political and economic interests of China, Taiwan, the United States, and the Central American countries themselves, continue to influence patterns of diplomatic switching. More specifically, we argue that the threat of punitive measures from the United States combined with a turn in Taiwanese diplomacy toward assistance efforts to combat Covid-19 may deter future switching in the short to medium-term. Our analysis offers case studies of four Central American countries (Costa Rica, Panama, El Salvador and Nicaragua) to illustrate the multi-year processes by which China’s economic strategy leads to diplomatic switching and examine the paths ahead for the remaining holdouts facing the prospect of economic and political penalties by the United States.
This viewpoint reflects on how to improve the process of introducing facilitated industrial symbiosis programmes (FISPs) to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) in developing countries. Although FISPs are a long-established industrial practice, their formal introduction to SMEs in developing countries has only recently begun, mostly through support from international development agencies. Based partly on anecdotal evidence from Gauteng, South Africa, we identify six key questions which need to be addressed to improve the process of facilitating FISPs. 相似文献