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251.
The present study examines how exposure to relational aggression at school is associated with adolescents’ perceptions of,
and participation in, a hostile school environment. Participants were 1,335 African American and European American adolescents
in grades 7 through 12 (52% female, 49% African American). Results indicate that exposure to relational aggression is associated
with several components of adolescents’ perceptions of the school climate. Adolescents exposed to high levels of relational
aggression perceived their school to be less safe, and were less pleased with the general social atmosphere at school. Moreover,
for males, but not females, exposure to relational aggression was associated with carrying a weapon to school. Implications
and suggestions for future research are discussed in terms of working toward safer school environments for adolescents.
Sara Goldstein is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Family and Child Studies at Montclair State University. She received her Ph.D. in Psychology from Bowling Green State University. Her major research interests include peer relationships, aggression, and gender. Amy Young is an Assistant Research Scientist at the Institute for Research on Women and Gender at the University of Michigan. She received her Ph.D. in Psychology from the University of Michigan. Major research interests include gender, sexual assault, substance use, and developmental psychopathology. Carol Boyd is a Professor of Nursing and a Professor of Women’s Studies and is Director of the Institute for Research on women and Gender at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. She received her PhD, in Nursing (cognate Anthropology). Her major research interests include gender and substance abuse. 相似文献
Sara E. GoldsteinEmail: |
Sara Goldstein is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Family and Child Studies at Montclair State University. She received her Ph.D. in Psychology from Bowling Green State University. Her major research interests include peer relationships, aggression, and gender. Amy Young is an Assistant Research Scientist at the Institute for Research on Women and Gender at the University of Michigan. She received her Ph.D. in Psychology from the University of Michigan. Major research interests include gender, sexual assault, substance use, and developmental psychopathology. Carol Boyd is a Professor of Nursing and a Professor of Women’s Studies and is Director of the Institute for Research on women and Gender at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. She received her PhD, in Nursing (cognate Anthropology). Her major research interests include gender and substance abuse. 相似文献
252.
Important research programs within New Institutional Economics advance culturalist arguments to explain failures of economic
development. Focusing on the work of Douglass C. North and Avner Greif, this article argues that such arguments rely on an
essentialist conception of culture that is both historically inaccurate and analytically misleading. Greif’s work in particular
rests on a selective use of empirical data that ultimately distorts the deductive models that are at the core of his work.
As a result, both scholars use culture to account for outcomes that are more adequately explained as the product of social
conflict and political struggles—struggles in which culture plays a far more contingent and destabilizing role than the one
they attribute to it. What is needed, I argue, is to link arguments about the persistence of inefficient institutions with
a sociologically informed conception of culture as an ensemble of resources that enhance rather than constrain the scope of individual agency. To come to terms with the effects of culture on institutional formation
and change it is necessary to replace the essentialism articulated by North and Greif with a strategic-instrumentalist view
in which culture is compatible with a wide spectrum of economic behaviors, individual actions, and thus institutional trajectories.
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
Steven HeydemannEmail: |
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
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Pål E. Martinussen 《Scandinavian political studies》2008,31(2):149-172
A striking common characteristic in many Western countries at the turn of the millennium is the debate on the role of private actors in public health care systems. Following the long line of Norwegian political scientists paying attention to attitudes towards privatization, this article uses data from 2005 on medical specialists to investigate their preferences for private welfare services, and to uncover the relative role of political ideology and self-interest in affecting their attitudes. So far, few attempts have been made to test in depth the impact of ideology and self-interest as alternative explanations of the attitudes of a professional group toward a policy issue that is important to its interests. The analysis documents the fact that both public and private specialists display scepticism towards leaving welfare services in the hands of private actors. The empirical model for the multivariate analysis builds on the large body of literature on political attitudes, and incorporates variables that are derived from economic and psychological theories in order to test the impact of ideology and subjective self-interest (emphasis on high salary for job satisfaction) and objective self-interest (private economy). In addition, the model also controls for a vector of individual characteristics and professional background. For the group of full-time public specialists, both subjective and objective self-interest, together with ideology, turns out to be the major determinants of view on private welfare services. The attitudes of the private specialists are, on the other hand, not at all affected by self-interest – only by ideology. 相似文献
257.
While there is a growing academic literature about mail-in ballots, there has been no serious academic research to date on overseas voters, even though the counting of overseas military ballots figured into the 2000 presidential election controversy. The participation of nearly 4 million overseas voters, both civilian and military, is governed by the Uniformed and Overseas Citizens Absentee Voting Act. The authors examine the reported perceptions of military and nonmilitary voters covered by this legislation using two surveys funded by the U.S. Election Assistance Commission, focusing on their perceptions of electronic means of transmitting voting materials. The authors find that civilian overseas citizens have a harder time registering and voting than military overseas citizens; that the key factor is the timely transmission of voting materials; and that, despite privacy concerns, electronic transmission of voting materials is viewed favorably. 相似文献
258.
259.
Randall E. Newnham 《国际研究季刊》2000,44(1):73-96
The existing literature on economic sanctions has rarely addressed the key question of comparing the effectiveness of positive and negative sanctions. It is the contention of this study that positive sanctions can potentially be more effective, even in cases where contentious "high politics" issues are being negotiated, relations between the states concerned are tense and militarized, and the state being targeted with sanctions has substantial military power. This assertion will be tested in a set of case studies drawn from German-Polish and German-Russian/Soviet relations from the nineteenth century to the present. It will be shown that positive sanctions can be used effectively, both as "specific" sanctions to influence a target state on one particular issue, and as "general" sanctions, which aim to change the state's behavior as a whole in a more slow and subtle process. 相似文献
260.
A persisting question in international studies is whether academic research can have an impact on the making of foreign policy. Much research has shown that policy decisions can be greatly influenced by misperceptions, just as much as by objective factors. The article describes an effort by academic researchers to challenge U.S. policymakers' image of an actor in the U.S. foreign policy process—the American public. The study's focus was a widely held assumption in the U.S. foreign policy community that the American public in the wake of the Cold War was entering a renewed phase of isolationism, similar to the interwar years. The study first interviewed policy practitioners on their perceptions of the public, then performed a comprehensive review of existing polling data, and finally conducted new polls with input from policymakers themselves. The net result of the elite interviews and the analysis of public attitudes revealed a significant gap in all areas, which is presented in synopsis. Interviews with policy practitioners reveal two key dynamics that could well contribute to policymakers' misreading the public: a failure to seek out information about the public and a tendency to assume that the vocal public is representative of the general public. Indications that the study did have some impact on the thinking of policy practitioners are discussed in the conclusion. 相似文献