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21.
Sue Kirvan 《Feminist Legal Studies》1999,7(3):333-342
This note examines the judgement of the House of Lords in the cases of Islam andShah, particularly with regard to their conclusion that women in Pakistan who were victims of domestic violence and not protected
by their state could qualify as members of a particular social group under the Geneva Convention, and therefore attain refugee
status. The note considers the Refugee Women's Legal Group's Gender Guidelines for the Determination of Asylum Claims in the
U.K. and discusses the problems faced by women who claim refugee status. Finally, the conceptualisation of domestic violence
as a political issue and therefore a matter falling within the scope of the Convention issue is analysed.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
22.
This paper seeks to evaluate the concept of mainstreaming against a range of feminist critiques of laws and legal systems and to examine the case for the pursuit of feminist politics through mainstreaming strategies. It begins, in section two, by identifying theme sin existing mainstreaming literature, and then in section three considers the potential of mainstreaming to tackle the causes o fine quality. In particular it questions whether mainstreaming can address the patriarchal nature of laws and legal systems and the essentialising tendencies of law, and whether mainstreaming can effectively tackle market-driven inequality. A final section considers the conditions under which feminists might consider engagement with mainstreaming and the limits of such strategies. 相似文献
23.
关押已经宣告为有罪或者正在等待审判的人员,是一个具有理论与实践价值的问题。本研究表明在一个关押率低的州,保释金支持项目能够分配到足够的资源,并以一种高姿态对待那些主要的决定者,这说明在司法系统审讯前和宣判阶段,对社区矫正的投资能够降低关押的财政和社会成本,社区矫正项目同时还有能力提升犯罪司法系统的有效性。但是,一些政治性因素,诸如“严厉打击犯罪”舆论的普及,将会限制澳大利亚人在自己的权限范围内采用社区为本的矫正方案。 相似文献
24.
Sue Vardon 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(3):261-274
25.
The article investigates the relationship between cultural similarities and differences on the part of the representatives of contending states and mediators, and outcomes of mediation efforts in militarized disputes. A distinction is made between social culture, defined primarily in terms of religious identity, and political culture, defined according to the state's political system. Analysis of 752 mediation attempts in militarized disputes occurring between 1945 and 1995 yields support for the hypothesis that mediation is more likely to succeed when the parties are from similar social cultures. The results, however, suggest that the relationship is more complex than that suggested by a simple categorization of states based on Huntington's "clash of civilizations" thesis. We also find that mediation is more likely to succeed when the parties share democratic political cultures, a finding that is consistent with the cultural/normative explanation for the democratic peace. 相似文献
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