首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1738篇
  免费   515篇
各国政治   389篇
工人农民   57篇
世界政治   222篇
外交国际关系   96篇
法律   760篇
中国政治   36篇
政治理论   660篇
综合类   33篇
  2023年   1篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   31篇
  2020年   39篇
  2019年   159篇
  2018年   98篇
  2017年   147篇
  2016年   157篇
  2015年   138篇
  2014年   125篇
  2013年   552篇
  2012年   96篇
  2011年   96篇
  2010年   111篇
  2009年   45篇
  2008年   71篇
  2007年   43篇
  2006年   41篇
  2005年   23篇
  2004年   32篇
  2003年   17篇
  2002年   20篇
  2001年   6篇
  2000年   18篇
  1999年   13篇
  1998年   10篇
  1997年   13篇
  1996年   13篇
  1995年   13篇
  1994年   12篇
  1993年   14篇
  1992年   10篇
  1991年   6篇
  1990年   8篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   9篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   7篇
  1985年   5篇
  1984年   8篇
  1983年   6篇
  1982年   2篇
  1981年   6篇
  1980年   6篇
  1979年   4篇
  1978年   5篇
  1977年   5篇
  1976年   1篇
  1974年   2篇
排序方式: 共有2253条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
201.
202.
This article responds to recent calls for research examining the mechanisms through which high‐performance human resource practices (HPHRPs) affect employee outcomes. Using the theoretical lens of social exchange and process theories, the authors examine one such mechanism, public service motivation, through which HPHRPs influence employees’ affective commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors in public sector organizations. A sample of professionals in the Egyptian health and higher education sectors was used to test a partial mediation model using structural equation modeling. Findings show that public service motivation partially mediated the relationship between HPHRPs and employees’ affective commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors. Similar results were achieved when the system of HPHRPs was disaggregated to consider the individual effects of five human resource practices.  相似文献   
203.
This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra‐organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank‐and‐file membership and – depending on party structure – high levels of internal conflict. To substantiate the arguments, two parties that implement principles of democratic equality in their organisations are examined: the Swedish and German Pirate parties. These cases show, first, that while organisational structures implementing norms of equality allowed them to rapidly mobilise a considerable following, the same structures systematically reduced their capacity to consolidate support in the longer term – a weakness that might eventually put these parties' survival at risk. Second, they show that differences in the extent to which subnational units provide a foundation for member mobilisation helps to explain variation in the level of internal conflict experienced by these parties.  相似文献   
204.
205.
Do protests sway public opinion? If so, why and how? To address these questions, we examine the impact of the 2006 immigration protests on immigration policy preferences. We use the 2006 Latino National Survey coupled with protest data to examine whether temporal and spatial exposure to the protests are associated with policy preferences. Our findings lend evidence that protest activity influences Latinos’ immigration policy preferences. However, the findings suggest the effect of protest on immigration policy preferences is not uniform across the population, but rather contingent on generational status and the intensity of protest activity at the local level.  相似文献   
206.
How does voter polarisation affect party responsiveness? Previous research has shown that political parties emphasise political issues that are important to their voters. However, it is posited in this article that political parties are not equally responsive to citizen demands across all issue areas. The hypothesis is that party responsiveness varies considerably with the preference configuration of the electorate. More specifically, it is argued that party responsiveness increases with the polarisation of issues among voters. To test these theoretical expectations, party responsiveness is analysed across nine West European countries from 1982 until 2013. Data on voter attention and voter preferences with regard to specific policy issues from a variety of national election studies is combined with Comparative Manifestos Project data on parties' emphasis of these issues in their election manifestos. The findings have major implications for understanding party competition and political representation in Europe.  相似文献   
207.
There is an assumption in much of the electoral engineering literature that domestic episodes of electoral system choice occur in a vacuum, isolated from international influences. Yet this assumption remains largely untested, despite the comparative focus of much of that literature. This article focuses on part of this gap by considering two electoral mechanisms that seek to limit party system fragmentation under proportional representation – low district magnitudes and high electoral thresholds – and shows that the mechanisms have spread across many European countries during the post‐1945 period. Analyses reveal that national legislators are more likely to adopt one of these electoral mechanisms when a large number of peer countries have made similar choices within the last two or three years. This effect is robust to various model specifications and to the inclusion of multiple controls. The article also offers some qualitative evidence from case studies and parliamentary debates.  相似文献   
208.
209.
210.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号