论恐怖主义犯罪

恐怖主义犯罪是全人类文明社会的共同敌人。面对恐怖主义的全球危害 ,如何科学而全面地认识恐怖主义犯罪 ,探索其发生发展的规律 ,寻求更加有效地防范与打击恐怖主义犯罪的对策 ,是理论界一个重要的研究课题。本文在界定恐怖主义犯罪的基础上 ,对恐怖主义犯罪的特征进行概括 ,对恐怖主义犯罪原因进行了分析 ,进而提出了反恐怖主义犯罪的对策。     

Same-Sex Marriage,Korean Christians,and the Challenge of Democratic Engagement

The contest over gay rights (e.g., same-sex marriage) dramatizes the clash between increasingly nonwhite (“majority-world”), religious conservatives and mostly white, progressives. It renews longstanding debate about the compatibility of religious conservatism and liberal, pluralistic democracy. A study of one influential group, Korean Christians, shows that the younger, western-educated generation generally combines religious conservatism and political liberalism; they are much more likely to espouse liberal-democratic principles and to participate in the larger, plural society than the older, immigrant generation. However, the polarizing politics of gay rights partly reverses the generational pattern: the historically insular, first generation participate more in mainstream politics, while some western-educated, second-generation Korean Christians become intolerant and isolated from elite-educated circles. Ideological minorities self-segregate themselves in the face of hostile, energized majorities, whether progressives in Korean Christian circles or conservatives in secular, educated ones. Public deliberation on same-sex marriage depends on whether it becomes viewed like the clear-cut issue of interracial marriage or the more ambiguous one of abortion.     

The influence of the gramm-rudman-hollings act on federal budgetary outcomes, 1986—1989

This article analyzes the impact of the Gramm-Rudman-Hollings (GRH) Act on federal budgetary and fiscal outcomes. Rather than portraying it as a two-on federal budgetary and fiscal outcomes. Rather than portraying it as a two-party game between Congress and the president, each with monolithic policy preferences, we view GRH as a multiparty negotiation game among advocates of different programs and agencies. In this game, agencies subject to sequestration and their congressional advocates have an incentive to reach a budget accord, while those exempt from sequestration do not. Consistent with this argument, we find that GRH has restrained outlays for nonexempt programs and that exempt programs have, if anything, experienced more rapid growth. Overall, GRH is estimated to have restrained outlays by $59 billion by fiscal 1989, and to have restrained outlays more effectively after the 1987 modifications in the Act. The Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act signals another phase in the decade-long struggle between the White House and Congress over public spending priorities. Our final counterfactual analysis suggests that GRH partially returned federal fiscal and budgetary relationships and priorities to those that prevailed before Reagan.     

An Empirical Analysis on the Determinants of the Length of Ministerial Tenure in Korea, 1980–2008

ABSTRACT

The study of the length of ministerial tenure has received some attention by scholars of public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of empirical research on ministerial duration in non-Western countries, this article empirically examines the determinants of ministerial duration based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. The empirical findings are as follows. First, being a female minister decreases the probability of stepping down by 1.78 times compared to a male minister. Second, political democratization after 1987 drastically increases the probability of ministerial stepping down by 3.46 times. Third, confirmation hearings after 2005 decrease the probability of ministerial stepping down by 0.53 times. Based on these empirical findings of the analysis, we can identify distinctive characteristics of ministerial duration in Korea. We argue that as the Korean political system shifts from military or authoritarian rule to democratic rule after 1987, a single five-year presidential term may set a political environment for frequent changes of ministers to allocate political spoils.     

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers in Korea: 1980–2008

The entry and exit of ministers has been of primary interest to students of political science and public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of research on the entry and exit of ministers in non‐Western countries, this article examined determinants of both the entrance and exit of ministers in Korea from the life cycle point of view based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. We argued that as the Korean presidency shifts from an imperialistic to a democratic presidency, ministerial appointments in Korea also seem to shift from an expertise‐focused to a politics‐focused approach. Likewise, the primary resignation reason also shifts from policy failure to political reasons. We also argued that Korean presidents use their power to reshuffle cabinet ministers too often for their political interests. As a result, Korean ministers spend too little time in post; average tenure is now down to about one year. These short terms in office dilute a minister's ability to dictate departmental policy.     

科技价值系统的失谐与矫正——关于社会主义核心价值体系建设的思考

科技价值系统由科技的工具理性系统和价值理性系统组成。前者指科学和技术两个层面的含义及其功能,后者指科技对于社会主体的多方面意义和价值(理性认知、探索创造、经济利益、社会道德等价值)。科技价值系统的失谐对于社会主义核心价值体系建设具有重要影响,因此必须重视剖析并矫正其当前工作存在的诸种失谐现象,实现科技价值系统的和谐统一及其与社会其他价值系统的和谐统一。     

私营企业主阶层政治参与:价值、限度与规制

私营企业主阶层的政治参与对我国经济政治社会发展产生积极功效的同时,亦带来一些负面的影响.如何进一步引导该阶层的参与行为,规制该阶层政治参与的限度,成为亟待解决的现实课题.     

加快转变经济发展方式与促进“两型社会”建设

加快转变经济发展方式,促进“两型社会”建设,是党在科学发展观指导下,立足于我国经济社会发展的客观实际而作出的重大战略部署,是关系国民经济全局的战略任务。由于经济发展方式粗放,我国经济社会发展的资源环境代价过大,资源环境问题已经成为发展瓶颈。因此,加快转变经济发展方式,促进资源节约型和环境友好型社会建设是解决此问题的必由之路。     

构建社会主义和谐社会笔谈（四篇）——关注弱势群体：构建社会主义和谐社会的应有之义

党的十六届四中全会向全党明确提出要不断提高构建社会主义和谐社会的能力。这一要求,适应了当前我国社会结构和社会生活深刻变化的迫切需要,扩展了我国社会主义现代化建设的内涵,对于我们党巩固执政基础,完成执政任务,实现经济社会协调发展,具有重大的战略意义。如何从理论上认识和把握社会主义和谐社会的深刻内涵,从实践上切实提高构建社会主义和谐社会的能力,是需要我们认真探讨的重大问题。为此,本刊特组织刊发一组文章,从不同角度对提高构建社会主义和谐社会的能力问题进行探讨。