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181.
Susan Kellett 《Journal of Australian Studies》2018,42(3):374-393
This article contests the misconception that the Hall of Memory of the Australian War Memorial, Canberra, represents an irreligious space. While accommodating the expectations of a post-secular society, this belief fails to recognise the influence of Christianity upon the generation that experienced World War I and developed the memorial practices that arose in response to it. Veteran-artist M. Napier Waller embedded complex religious symbolism in the scheme of three windows he designed and executed for the hall. Drawing on his individual experience of battle, personal philosophy of art and the medieval customs of his forebears, Waller told the story of Australia’s experience of the war and aligned a nation’s sacrifice with that of Christ: His Crucifixion, Resurrection and Ascension are symbolised in the south, west and east windows, respectively. The inclusion of a nurse was central to Waller’s plans and required he manipulate the men creating the memorial to achieve his goal. In doing so, he neutralised the greatest threat to his vision: its founder, Charles Bean, and located a woman of many identities—a Martial Madonna—as the heart of national sacrifice in Australia’s premier war memorial. 相似文献
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183.
Susan A. Bandes 《Criminal justice ethics》2016,35(3):183-200
Those who work with the condemned often come to reject the death penalty not only in individual cases, and not only on the ground that it is poorly implemented. They tend to conclude that the punishment is wrong. I argue that the perspective of the executioner helps illuminate the debate about whether to abolish capital punishment, and that indeed the perspective of those who work with the condemned raises the troubling possibility that support for the death penalty can survive only at a great remove. Jeffrie Murphy has also argued that the executioner’s perspective can be useful, but I contend that Murphy asks the wrong question. His essay considers whether an executioner may, under some circumstances, take pride in his work. The better question is whether anyone ought to be asked to do such work. On this latter question, the perspective of the executioner sheds important light. Like Murphy, I draw on works by and about Albert Pierrepoint, the “last hangman” of Britain. I also draw on the perspectives of numerous executioners, wardens, chaplains, and other death row personnel. I argue that their perspectives offer a powerful argument against the main rationale for the death penalty: retribution. If retribution is keyed to the offender’s character as well as his wrongful act, then post-conviction character ought to matter. The executioners’ accounts share a common theme: that death row inmates change over time and hold the potential for redemption. 相似文献
184.
Jessica J. Eckstein 《Journal of family violence》2016,31(2):215-225
Victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) often encounter negative societal reactions to their abuse. A quantitative self-report study examined the existence of these potential identity-threats to former IPV victims (N?=?345, n?=?106 males, n?=?239 females). Biological sex, abuse type (i.e., psychological, physical) and severity, and IPV relationship type (i.e., situational couple violence, intimate terrorism) were each modeled as predictors of IPV stigma and its social management strategies. Results indicated differences in how IPV stigma was experienced and communicatively managed by diverse victims. Findings, interpreted through an applied lens for IPV practitioners and victims, also add nuance to existing theories of IPV, interpersonal communication, and social stigma. 相似文献
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186.
Sarah?A.?StoddardEmail author Susan?J.?Henly Renee?E.?Sieving John?Bolland 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(3):278-295
Youth living in impoverished urban neighborhoods are at risk for becoming hopeless about their future and engaging in violent
behaviors. The current study seeks to examine the longitudinal relationship between social connections, hopelessness trajectories,
and subsequent violent behavior across adolescence. Our sample included 723 (49% female) African American youth living in
impoverished urban neighborhoods who participated in the Mobile Youth Survey from 1998 through 2006. Using general growth
mixture modeling, we found two hopelessness trajectory classes for both boys and girls during middle adolescence: a consistently
low hopelessness class and an increasingly hopeless class with quadratic change. In all classes, youth who reported stronger early adolescent connections to their mothers were less
hopeless at age 13. The probability of later adolescent violence with a weapon was higher for boys and was associated with
the increasingly hopeless class for both boys and girls. Implications for new avenues of research and design of hope-based prevention interventions will
be discussed. 相似文献
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188.
Electoral volatility is much higher in new than in advanced democracies. Some scholars contend that weak partisan ties among the electorate lie behind this high volatility. Political parties in new democracies do not invest in building strong linkages with voters, they claim; hence partisanship is not widespread, nor does it grow over time. Our view is that democratic processes do encourage the spread of partisanship and hence the stabilization of electoral outcomes over time in new democracies. But this dynamic can be masked by countervailing factors and cut short by regime instability. We expect that, all else being equal, volatility will decline over time as a new democracy matures but increase again when democracy is interrupted. We use disaggregated ecological data from Argentina over nearly a century to show that electoral stability grows during democratic periods and erodes during dictatorships. 相似文献
189.
Pampered Sons, (Wo)manly Men,or Do‐nothing Machos? Costa Rican Men Coming of Age under Neoliberalism
This article explores how young men in Costa Rica negotiate ideas of manhood under neoliberalism. We draw on interview data involving 23 men, ages 15–35, residing in one Costa Rican city. Comparing men across three different class locations, we find diverse "markers of manhood." Our data suggest an emerging globally dominant masculine ideal among an elite class of men, a declining locally dominant masculine ideal among working-class men, and a cynical, possibly counter-cultural masculine ideal among poor men. We conclude that masculinities are not only fluid, but tied to changing economic circumstances and class structures. 相似文献
190.
Susan Franceschet 《拉美政治与社会》2010,52(3):1-29
This article explains why Chile has outperformed Argentina in policy responses to the problem of domestic violence. It argues that policy variation is due to both macro‐level institutional features (state capacity and centralization) and to more contingent political factors that shape the structure, role, and resources of the women's policy agencies that coordinate and implement domestic violence policies. The initial design of Chile's National Women's Service has allowed it to act as a crucial “insider” ally to advocacy groups. In contrast, Argentina's National Women's Council has suffered repeated downgrading and loss of resources due to ideological conflicts and changes in government, rendering it unable to coordinate policy responses to domestic violence effectively or to act as an ally to advocates inside and outside the state seeking increased resources and more effective policy responses to violence against women. 相似文献