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101.
This study reports on the results of a program evaluation of the U.S. Navy New Parent Support Program (NPSP). NPSP is composed of two components: center-based parenting classes and home-based visits. Data are presented on: (a) satisfaction with program quality, (b) how well the program met its primary objectives (e.g., helps reduce parenting stress), (c) how well the NPSP met its Reasons for Being (RFBs; e.g., Helps service members concentrate on their job), and (d) program impact on mission-related outcomes (i.e., quality of life (QOL), readiness, and program impact on their decision to remain in the military). Results indicate that parents who take part in both the parenting classes and home-based visits report that the program exceeded their expectations, the program improved their perceptions of their parenting and coping skills, they perceived that the program demonstrated the Navy's concern for Sailors and their families, and the program enhanced the family's quality of life. Implications of study findings are discussed.
Michelle L. KelleyEmail:
  相似文献   
102.
A capillary zone electrophoresis (CZE) method was developed for the analysis of amphetamine and 13 amphetamine analogues. A full factorial design was used to screen for important design variables (i.e. carrier electrolyte concentration, pH, and separation temperature), and a modified simplex was employed in a final optimisation step. The resolution values of the target compounds were used as responses in the screening and optimisation phases. This approach made it possible to control the effects of the design variables on the separation of the target compounds. The best results were obtained using a 100mM Tris/phosphate buffer (pH 3.1) at a separation temperature of 10 degrees C, and the analysis time was 23 min under these conditions. After slight modification, the method also enabled baseline resolution of the most commonly encountered amphetamine derivatives, as well as cocaine and heroin, within 7 min. There was a linear relationship between peak area and concentration for all substances, with correlation coefficients in the range of 0.9975-0.9999. Moreover, the technique was repeatable and exhibited relative standard deviation (R.S.D.) values in the ranges of 0.01-0.11% and 0.54-1.60% for relative migration time and corrected peak area, respectively. Lastly, the method was successfully applied to analyse street samples.  相似文献   
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Cook  Robert F.; Rawlins  V. Lane 《Publius》1985,15(3):97-110
The Job Training Partnership Act of 1982 (JTPA) constitutedthe most recent, successful attempt by the Reagan administrationto devolve increased domestic program authority to the statesusing the block grant approach. Because of its heavy relianceon the participation of state governments and the private sector,JTPA may prove to be the real "acid test" of the Reagan NewFederalism. This article examines the implementation of JTPAin broad perspective. While preparations for the JTPA programbegan in most states during the early part of 1983, the programdid not really begin its first official program year until 1July 1984. After describing the major features of the act, thearticle focuses on the program's implementation. The analysisis based largely on the results of a nationwide study conductedunder the direction of the authors during 1984. The articleconcludes that, in terms of its legislative provisions and effectiveimplementation, JTPA has proved to be a "quasi-block grant"to the states.  相似文献   
105.
The life, work, and appraisal of Thorstein Veblen reveal well the defense mechanisms employed by society's dominant strata to counter ideological challenges to the established order. They also offer insight into the sociology of reputation and, more narrowly, the psychology of Veblen's biographers, who have frequently sought to enhance their own reputations at the expense of his. Central to an understanding of Veblen's sullied reputation is Joseph Dorfman, whose voluminous biography of Veblen projects Dorfman's own cultural demons and insecurities onto his subject, at the same time as it has influenced the uncritical views of later scholars.  相似文献   
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Drawing on empirical data gathered from discussions with executive directors of NGOs in Ghana, this paper critically analyses the complex multi-tier relationships between NGOs and their donor partners and how these affect outcomes of their development projects in Ghana. The paper discusses how experiences with funding agencies inform crucial shifts in NGO programming for poverty alleviation. This paper argues that, given their (NGOs') peculiar positioning in development practice, a critical appraisal of power dynamics central to NGO operations (such as funding and ownership of development projects) is crucial to proposing new strategies of engagement with NGO activity in Africa.

Autonomie et indépendance sur le plan des politiques en Afrique : un bilan des défis de développement pour les ONG

Sur la base de données empiriques recueillies à partir de discussions avec des directeurs exécutifs d'ONG au Ghana, cet article analyse dans une optique critique les rapports complexes multi-niveaux entre les ONG et leurs partenaires bailleurs de fonds, et l'incidence qu'ils ont sur les résultats de leurs projets de développement au Ghana. Il traite de la manière dont les expériences avec des organismes donateurs façonnent des changements cruciaux dans la programmation des ONG en faveur de l'atténuation de la pauvreté. L'auteur soutient que, étant donné le positionnement particulier des ONG dans la pratique du développement, une évaluation critique de la dynamique de pouvoir centrale aux opérations des ONG (comme le financement et la propriété des projets de développement) est cruciale au moment de proposer de nouvelles stratégies en vue de la participation aux activités des ONG en Afrique.

Autonomía e independencia política en África: una revisión de los retos enfrentados por las ong en el desarrollo

Apoyándose en datos empíricos recabados a partir de diálogos sostenidos con los directores ejecutivos de ong en Ghana, el presente artículo analiza críticamente las relaciones complejas y de múltiples niveles que se establecen entre las ong y sus socios donantes. Del mismo modo, examina la manera en que dichas relaciones afectan los resultados obtenidos por sus proyectos de desarrollo en este país. Asimismo, el artículo revisa cómo las experiencias de las ong con las agencias de financiamiento, influyen en los cambios sustantivos detectados en los programas que han implementado para el alivio de la pobreza. El artículo sostiene que, dado el particular posicionamiento de las ong en la práctica del desarrollo, para proponer nuevas estrategias de involucramiento en las actividades que realizan en África, resulta crucial realizar una valoración crítica de las dinámicas del poder que se establecen en dichas actividades (por ejemplo, el financiamiento y el sentido de pertenencia de los proyectos de desarrollo).

Autonomia e independência de política na África: uma revisão dos desafios de desenvolvimento de ONGs

Baseando-se em dados empíricos coletados a partir de discussões com diretores executivos de ONGs de Gana, este artigo analisa de maneira crítica as relações complexas de vários níveis entre ONGs e seus parceiros doadores e como elas afetam os resultados de seus projetos de desenvolvimento em Gana. O artigo discute como as experiências com agências financiadoras influenciam mudanças cruciais em programas de ONGs para redução da pobreza. Este artigo argumenta que, tendo em vista o posicionamento peculiar (das ONGs) na prática de desenvolvimento, uma avaliação crítica da dinâmicas de poder central para operações de ONGs (tais como financiamento e posse de projetos de desenvolvimento) é crucial para se propor novas estratégias de engajamento com a atividade das ONGs na África.  相似文献   

109.
To fully understand the function of volatility in today's European democracies, it is necessary to employ the principal-agent model. Where democracy is exercised in the form of party government, then it is especially essential to enquire into how the electorate can monitor politicians. Electoral volatility may increase the responsiveness of the party system to the electorate and increase the accountability of politicians. Party system instability is persistently higher in the east European democracies than in western Europe. System transition in eastern Europe passes through the party system, as new parties enter the electoral arena. Political innovation in western Europe also passes through the party system, where new movements appear alongside the established parties. However, there are signs of decreasing volatility in the east, whereas volatility is on the rise in several west European democracies. There will be convergence between west and east European democracies: both will experience considerable volatility in the future. This is a positive gain for democratic vitality in Tingsten's conception. The level of party system fractionalization is already the same over the regions of Europe. The principal-agent model would favour several agents as well as agent switches, which means a moderate level of party system instability.  相似文献   
110.

When Timothy McVeigh lit the fuse that fired the bomb that destroyed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, OK on April 19, 1995, most Americans asked, "Why?" "Why," people wondered, "would anyone do such a thing?" This paper explores the way(s) in which key dimensions of American political culture support and inspire the kinds of hate and paranoia that culminated in Timothy McVeigh's horrible act. It is based on social movement theory's insight that challenges to the established order are informed by and shape the broader culture in which the challenge is pursued. Thus, in order to explore the relationship between culture and the militia movement, this paper focuses on militia ideology, circumstances of militia formation, and organizational structures. Each arena is shown to relate to and derive from the general character of public American political culture. Cumulatively, the cultural place of the militia is one of self-described individualists struggling against cultural opponents--the representatives of the New World Order. As Americans, militia members insist that only their specific brand of individualism is "real" Americanism. Thus their disputes with the federal government are not disagreements of policy, or interpretation, or degree. They are culturally-based conflicts over the meaning of America.  相似文献   
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