关于“公共利益”的界定模式

宪法关于“公共利益”的规定,需要在国家权力运行活动中具体化。如何将“公共利益”具体化呢?学界和实务界提出了三种基本模式。第一种是人大以“一事一议”方式界定“公共利益”,第二种是由司法承担对“公共利益”的最终界定,第三种是人大以列举式立法模式将“公共利益”具体化、固置化。第一种模式正确认识到界定“公共利益”属于权力机关的权限,但具体方式却不可行;第二种司法决定模式既缺乏实质合法性,又没有技术可行性;第三种模式在立法上虽有一定困难,但也有其他国家和地区成功经验可资,是实现宪法“公共利益”规定对公民权利保护和对国家权力制约的惟一现实可行之路。要在国家权力运行上界定“公共利益”,还必须解决目前我国“公共利益”泛化掩盖下的许多具体矛盾。     

两种DNA提取法对不同色泽肋软骨STR分型成功率的比较

目的比较两种DNA提取法对不同色泽肋软骨的DNASTR分型结果的影响。方法利用Chelex-100法和酚-氯仿法,分别对30例不同色泽的腐败尸体肋软骨进行DNA提取,STR复合扩增,ABI3100型基因分析仪对扩增产物进行检测。结果用酚-氯仿法提取的30例腐败尸体肋软骨,均检测到全部STR基因座的等位基因型。用Chelex-100法提取的肋软骨中,22例(11例白色、8例淡黄色、3例黄色)检测出全部STR基因座的等位基因型;7例(3例黄色、4例黄褐色)检测出部分STR基因座的等位基因型;1例黑灰色的腐败尸体肋软骨,未检测出STR基因座的等位基因型。结论根据肋软骨的色泽,选择适宜的DNA提取方法。对于颜色较深的肋软骨,用酚-氯仿法进行DNA提取有助于提高其STR基因座的检出率。     

Population genetics for Y-chromosomal STRs haplotypes of Chinese Tibetan ethnic minority group in Tibet

Y-chromosomal STRs loci were analyzed from a sample of 119 healthy unrelated autochthonous male individuals of Chinese Tibetan ethnic minority group using a multiplex PCR system. Allele and haplotype frequencies for DYS19, DYS389 I, DYS389 II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS385a,b, DYS438, and DYS439 were determined by the Y-PLEXtrade mark 12 kit. The gene diversity values for the Y-STRs loci ranged from 0.3347 (DYS438) to 0.9547 (DYS385a,b). A total of 110 haplotypes were identified in the Y-STR loci, among which 104 were unique, while six occurred more than once. The overall haplotype diversity for the Y-STRs loci was 0.9981, and the discrimination capacity was 0.9897. The results in the present study can be used for routine forensic application in the region, and enrich Chinese ethnical genetic informational resources.     

论抗战时期桂林人口伤亡

日军的侵略给桂林带来了巨大的灾难。整个抗战时期,有确凿数据或事实作为依据的官兵阵亡人数 为6729人。根据战争损失专家提出的比例(即负伤与死亡的比例约为2:1)计算,则抗战中桂林籍伤亡的官兵和在 桂林伤亡的其他省籍官兵的人数约为20000人左右。而民众死亡的数量根据人口的发展情况判断应在《广西年鉴》 所记载的数字的基础上再加上1万人,即约为3万人。     

从“一国两制”看邓小平对爱国统一战线理论的创新与发展

新时期爱国统一战线必须高举爱国主义和社会主义旗帜.邓小平"一国两制"的伟大理论集中体现了爱国主义和社会主义的完美结合,创造性地发展了爱国统一战线理论爱国主义旗帜是发展和壮大社会主义基石的"黏合剂";社会主义旗帜是当代爱国主义的最佳体现;"一国两制"理论与时俱进地实现了社会主义与爱国主义的完美统一.     

论反倾销领域中“非市场经济”问题

"非市场经济"这一法律概念在GATT/WTO法律框架下由各国反倾销法逐渐演变而成.自20世纪90年代以来,"市场经济"与"非市场经济"的区分已缺乏经济基础,很多国家却凭以采用特别方法对后者产品进行反倾销调查.这些方法深受政治、社会和经济等因素影响,构成相关出口商的歧视性待遇.必须通过政治、经济和法律手段才能最终解决"非市场经济"所引发的问题.     

Modeling Facts,Culture, and Cognition in the Gun Debate

Can empirical data generate consensus about how to regulate firearms? If so, under what conditions? Previously, we presented evidence that individuals' cultural worldviews explain their positions on gun control more powerfully than any other fact about them, including their race or gender, the type of community or region of the country they live in, and even their political ideology or party affiliation. On this basis, we inferred that culture is prior to facts in the gun debate: empirical data can be expected to persaude individuals to change their view on gun policies only after those individuals come to see those policies as compatible with their core cultural commitments. We now respond to critics. Canvassing the psychological literature, we identify the mechanisms that systematically induce individuals to conform their factual beliefs about guns to their culturally grounded moral evaluations of them. To illustrate the strength and practical implications of these dynamics, we develop a series of computer simulations, which show why public beliefs about the efficacy of gun control can be expected to remain highly polarized even in the face of compelling empirical evidence. Finally, we show that the contribution culture makes to cognition could potentially be harnessed to generate broad, cross-cultural consensus: if gun policies can be framed in terms that are expressively compatible with diverse cultural worldviews, the motivation to resist compelling empirical evidence will dissipate, and individuals of diverse cultural persuasions can be expected rapidly to converge in their beliefs about what policies are best. Constructing a new, expressively pluralistic idiom of gun control should therefore be the first priority of policy-makers and -analysts interested in promoting the adoption of sound gun policies.     

析中国民族学北派和南派的学术倾向--以吴文藻、杨成志为例

中国民族学界在20世纪三四十年代就有了"北吴南杨"之说.北学派的代表人物吴文藻和南学派的代表人物杨成志虽求学、治学和教学经历不同,学术倾向各异,但他们对中国民族学的贡献都非常突出.比较和分析南北两派,凸显其与学派的关系,客观地看待两个学派的学术传统,师其所长,大有裨益,同时,有助于中国民族学研究的发展定向.     

浅析明代"家乐"问题

明代兴起的"家乐"与前代在勾栏瓦舍中戏班的演出有所不同,一方面这种形式为传统戏剧的改良提供了硬件的支持,另一方面它也有自身不可克服的弱点.基于自身优势,家乐在明中叶后盛极一时,但同时又因为先天缺陷,在清中叶就几近销声匿迹.