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61.
Abstract Common factors underlie sexual and non-sexual aggression, and they co-occur at high rates. This study reports on whether Dutton et al.'s model of partner abuse (1994) also predicts sexual offender status. Incarcerated sexual offenders (n?=?144) and non-sexual offenders (n?=?34) completed a voluntary, anonymous survey of attachment, anger and anxiety measures. Sexual offenders produced significantly higher insecure attachment (p?=?0.001), anger (p?<?0.05) and generalized anxiety (p?<?0.01) scores than non-sexual offenders. Intended multivariate analyses were prohibited by multicollinearity between predictors. Although insecure attachment, anxiety and anger distinguish sexual from non-sexual offenders, their predictive power in a multivariate model is yet to be determined. Awareness of the co-occurrence of sexual and non-sexual violence would improve assessment and treatment approaches for professionals in both arenas. 相似文献
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Tamara G.J. Leech 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(3):543-558
Scholarly literature has been very attentive to violence among adolescents whose families receive vouchers. Yet, it provides little information about violence among the more than 400,000 very young adults who head households that receive vouchers. This article explores this relationship, paying particular attention to life course considerations and racial context. Data on 18–22-year-olds, numbering 208, who received housing assistance and participated in the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 in 2002 indicate that normative theoretical models may not accurately capture the relationship between the transition to adulthood and violence within this group. Results also suggest that among those who experience violence, receipt of a voucher is associated with lower levels of violence, but not for Black recipients. Both voucher triage services for those experiencing violence, and housing advocate services for Black heads of household may be especially useful within this population of very young adults. 相似文献
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Tamara Renee Shie 《当代中国》2004,13(40):523-540
This paper seeks to address the divide between political rhetoric and reality on the question of the impact of the Internet on China. Many politicians and pundits steadfastly promote the Internet as a conduit for democracy, without empirical proof to support their statements. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the debate over information technology and the Internet in China. The Chinese Communist Party is employing a number of approaches to control the Internet, from introducing numerous regulations to encouraging self‐censorship, with some success. This paper will examine state‐coordinated measures to control the use of the Internet, look at how the Internet could be making CCP rule more effective, and consider the validity of the argument that the Internet represents a threat to CCP rule. 相似文献
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European integration has profoundly reshaped states in Europe’s peripheries. It has deprived them of the traditional means of autonomously managing development, imposed institutions defending the integrity of the regional market from domestic actors, and provided them, in exchange, with EU-level development policies. However, whereas in the South the EU has relied primarily on incentives for remaking the economic state, in the East it has engaged in direct institution-building. The different EU strategies pushed the evolution of the economic state in the two peripheries in different directions and the two parts of Europe now face different developmental dilemmas. Despite their differences, neither the Eastern nor the Southern states have the capacity to get in synch the triple challenge of integration: playing by the uniform regional rules, improving their positions in the European markets and extending the range of domestic beneficiaries of integration. While the ensuing economic and political tensions might endanger regional integration, EU-level capacities for addressing the developmental problems of the peripheries are in short supply. 相似文献
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Tamara Jacka 《当代中国》2006,15(49):585-602
In this paper I analyze the language and concepts framing approaches taken by the Chinese women's movement to women and rural development. Until the late 1990s the language adopted by Chinese women's organizations concerned with rural development was quite different from that of development agencies elsewhere, but since that time it has become increasingly similar. In this paper I ask: to what extent did the earlier language of Chinese women's development activists point to understandings and practices that were different from those of the global development movement? And what might be the significance of the growing convergence between the two? 相似文献