排序方式: 共有39条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Elizabeth Iams Wellman Susan D. Hyde Thad E. Hall 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2018,28(3):330-348
Fraudulent elections can reduce citizen trust in elections and other political institutions. But what about the impact of contentious elections that resolve successfully, leading to democratizing change? Do national movements toward democracy trump individual experiences with electoral manipulation? Using public opinion survey data collected before and after the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine, we evaluate changes in voter confidence in electoral practices, political institutions, and democracy. Although national trends show increased voter confidence overall, subnational variation suggests pervasive partisan differences in opinions about election quality and institutional confidence. Remarkably, we find that direct exposure to fraud matters far less than anticipated; voters who were personally exposed to fraud felt no more or less confident than their co-partisans. We show that partisanship and the national electoral context may interact in ways that complicate the effects of democratizing elections, suggesting important avenues for future research. 相似文献
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Thad Hall 《Public administration review》2008,68(2):366-379
After World War II, the U.S. Congress began a process of engaging in what David Rosenbloom refers to as Congress-centered public administration. In this article, the author argues that the use of short-term authorizations by Congress facilitates congressional oversight and co-management of public programs. Using data from three case studies, the author shows that Congress is able to systematically, on a regularized basis, shape the overall goals, structures, and decision rules that govern agency activities. It can also promote research and analysis that will inform the reauthorization of a program by funding studies and requiring specific reports to be produced. The agencies are, in turn, able to implement the new legislative requirements over a given timeframe—typically four to six years—and do so in an environment that is relatively free from other congressional changes to the legislation underlying the program in question. During this time, the agency and Congress are able to determine what works and what does not work and to formulate changes that should be considered in the next reauthorization legislation. 相似文献
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Taylor Boas Thad Dunning Jennifer Bussell 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2005,40(2):95-110
This concluding article returns to the broad question that motivates this special issue ofStudies in Comparative International Development: Will the Digital Revolution constitute a revolution in development? In addressing this issue, we explore a number of common themes emphasized by the different contributions: the future of the North-South divide, the role of the state in promoting digital development, the transferability and adaptability of specific information and communication technologies, the challenges and potential benefits of controlling digital information, and the developmental effects of digitally enabled communities. We argue that the Digital Revolution's ultimate impact on development will depend on several key variables, including the extent to which these technologies foster within-country linkages among different sectors and socioeconomic classes; the degree to which new technological applications may be customized or transformed to advance local development; and the outcome of political contests between organized interests that are promoting different ways of organizing and governing the global digital economy. While it is difficult to fully assess a transformation while living in the midst of it, research on the social, political, and economic implications of the Digital Revolution will constitute an important agenda for development scholars in the years to come. 相似文献
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Intimate partner violence (IPV) by women against men has been the subject of much debate. Feminists typically argue that IPV
is committed only by men against women. Others argue that violence is a human problem and women also commit much IPV. To resolve
these debates, IPV has been classified into two categories: common couple violence captured by population-based studies, and
patriarchal terrorism, captured by studies of battered women. This typology ignores male victims of extreme IPV. The current
study addresses this omission by describing 190 male callers to the Domestic Abuse Helpline for Men. All callers experienced
physical abuse from their female partners, and a substantial minority feared their wives’ violence and were stalked. Over
90% experienced controlling behaviors, and several men reported frustrating experiences with the domestic violence system.
Callers’ reports indicated that their female abusers had a history of trauma, alcohol/drug problems, mental illness, and homicidal
and suicidal ideations.
相似文献
Denise A. HinesEmail: |
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We study how policymakers play public goods games, and how their behavior compares to the typical subjects we study, by conducting parallel experiments on college undergraduates and American state legislators. We find that the legislators play public goods games more cooperatively and more consistently than the undergraduates. Legislators are also less responsive to treatments that involve social elements but are more likely to respond to additional information that they receive. Further, legislators' fixed characteristics explain much of the variation in how legislators play the game. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding how institutions affect the provision of public goods. 相似文献
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