Azad Berwari  Thomas Ambrosio 《Democratization》2013,20(5):891-908

This article examines the lack of mass mobilization by Iraqi Kurds to establish an independent Kurdistan. It argues that while the outcome of an unofficial January 2005 referendum – in which 98 per cent of Kurds supported independence – was a clear expression of their will, the political opportunity structures within which the Kurdistan Referendum Movement operates are closed to the formation of a mass-based social movement. Utilizing data from a survey of Kurdish elites and activists, as well as follow-up interviews, this analysis provides insights into the future of democracy in Iraq and the value of political opportunity theory in understanding mass mobilization.  相似文献   

    

Thomas E. Patterson 《政治交往》2013,30(3):329-330

Adams, William C., Editor, Television Coverage of the Middle East. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex Publishing Corporation, 1981, 167 pages.  相似文献   

    

Sara Kahn‐Nisser 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(6):1040-1056

This article presents findings of an empirical analysis which show that the level of candidate countries' compliance with the accession conditionality is positively associated with the extent of annual pre‐accession monitoring. Focusing on conditionality and labour rights in 11 post‐communist CEE candidate countries, in the period between 1998 and 2009, the study analyzes the relationship between the extent of annual monitoring and the post‐communist CEE candidate countries' labour rights scores, two years later. A positive, statistically significant association between the two variables is found. The article proposes an explanation of the findings based on discursive institutionalism, and integrates this with the theory of conditionality. According to discursive institutionalism, monitoring supported conditionality through strategic, normative and communicative mechanisms. It strengthened certainty regarding rewards and sanctions, reduced domestic costs of compliance and supported normative convergence.  相似文献   

    

Thomas Muehlmann 《European Security》2013,22(3-4):375-396

Abstract

Police Reform in Bosnia went through different phases. Particularly when starting to address the organisational reform of police forces, new structures and institutions were introduced. This, however, was undermined by the behaviour of leading police officers and particularly the political elite fearing for their influence over the police. The essay argues that in such reforms, in particular at later stages of a reform process, when the organisational setup and the culture of policing is addressed, they tend to be hampered by a lagging behind of mindsets compared to the establishment of new structures/institutions, in particular also in the political elite—a factor that needs to be taken into consideration and that leads to the conclusion that police reform needs a long breath to be continued engagement to become irreversible and sustainable.  相似文献   

    

Susan Clampet‐Lundquist 《Housing Policy Debate》2013,23(2):415-447

Abstract

Severely distressed public housing developments are being torn down and redeveloped through the HOPE (Housing Opportunities for People Everywhere) VI initiative in cities across the United States. This article examines how families from one HOPE VI site decided where to move and how they fared in building social ties with their new neighbors. Semistructured interviews from a random sample of 41 families with children were analyzed.

Families that chose to move into public housing expressed concern about the unreliability of the Section 8 program and their own ability to pay the extra utility costs involved. Those who used Section 8 vouchers to relocate had more education on average and made this choice to improve the neighborhood for their families. Over the past two years, regardless of what kind of neighborhood they moved into, families have not rebuilt the close ties most of them had in their former neighborhood.  相似文献   

    

Thomas Simon 《Citizenship Studies》2013,17(3-4):505-524

The focus of this article is on citizenship in its juridical sense. Other theorists, especially communitarians and civic republicans, have attempted to expand the idea of citizenship to include a social/political sense; they advocate expanding citizenship beyond its juridical confines to include civic participation as one of the hallmarks of citizenship. A new stage of expansion has begun; it is represented by those who want to make citizenship more multiple and flexible, to see citizenship in a more ethical/normative sense. These expansionist approaches do not jettison the juridical sense of citizenship. In fact, they build upon it. Therefore, these conceptions of citizenship become problematic to the extent that the juridical building block becomes problematic. Thus, the first task is to problematize this juridical sense of citizenship. This article explores a different critical path than the ones typically taken. It pushes the envelope by thinking about citizenship as a weapon. While more exposés of administrative and political abuses involving citizenship claims and issues are needed, this analysis unearths deeper, more fundamental problems with the concept of citizenship. Minimally, it pushes the debate beyond how inclusive or expansive citizenship should be made. It calls for a radical reappraisal of citizenship by recognizing citizenship as a weapon.  相似文献   

    

Thomas Nisley 《Politics & Policy》2013,41(4):536-562

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Kevin Young 《Regulation & Governance》2013,7(4):460-480

This article explores the advocacy efforts of financial industry groups since the financial crisis. I describe key changes in the post‐crisis financial regulatory environment and argue that financial industry groups have adapted their advocacy strategies to these new conditions in innovative ways. Faced with a more challenging environment, financial industry groups have shifted their emphasis along the different stages of the policy cycle. Specifically, increased issue salience and a strained policy network have weakened financial industry groups' capacity to veto regulatory proposals at the stage of actual policy formulation. Focusing on the advocacy strategies of the global banking and derivatives industries, I show evidence that the response has been to invest in more subtle advocacy strategies which focus on other stages of the policymaking cycle. Self‐regulatory moves attempt to affect the agenda setting stage of policymaking, and a strong focus on the timing, rather than the content of new regulations, has attempted to affect the implementation stage. Such a transformation of advocacy strategies differs sharply from most depictions of financial industry groups simply “blocking” regulatory change since the global financial crisis.  相似文献   

    

Luís Aguiar‐Conraria  Manuel M.F. Martins  Maria Joana Soares 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(3):377-398

In this article, wavelet tools and economic sentiment indicators are used to study the similarity and synchronization of economic cycles in the eurozone. The time‐varying and frequency‐varying patterns of business cycles synchronization are assessed and the impact of the creation of the European monetary union (EMU) in 1999 is tested. Among several results, it is found that: the EMU is associated with a significant increase in the similarity and synchronization of the economic sentiment in the eurozone; and the hard‐peg of its currency to the euro led to a comparable effect on Denmark's economic sentiment after 1999, different from what happened in the United Kingdom.  相似文献   

    

Thomas Gehring  Sebastian Oberthür  Marc Mühleck 《Journal of common market studies》2013,51(5):849-865

This article examines why the European Union (EU) is recognized as a relevant actor in some international institutions, but not in others. Drawing on theories of international institutions and corporate action, it develops a theoretical approach toward EU actorness that demonstrates under which conditions third parties gain an interest in recognizing this actor as a relevant party to international institutions and how the EU can become an actor in its own right. The EU is expected to be recognized as a relevant actor in an international institution if it has acquired action capability in the relevant governance area, while formal status plays an inferior role. This hypothesis is subsequently assessed for six international institutions that vary regarding the degree of EU action capability and the EU's formal status, including the WTO and IMF, FAO and WHO as well as two international environmental regimes. Empirical results confirm the fruitfulness of the theoretical approach.  相似文献