In the medicolegal literature reports on homicides followed by suicide, especially in elderly people, are rare. In the present case, the victim, a 79-year-old woman, showed a rather unusual injury pattern: 3 gunshots to the head (with only 2 entrance wounds and 3 intracranial projectiles) and 2 stabs from a knife. The tools used for inflicting the stab wounds (a hunting knife and a double-edged dagger) were left in the victim's body after the offense. The 89-year-old husband hanged himself with an aerial cable after killing his wife. The police investigations and the autopsy findings suggested a combined homicide-suicide. The motive for the offense could be a so-called delusion of poverty associated with symptoms of depression. 相似文献
Stalking is the technical term for the systematic, excessive and sometimes offensive molestation in order to seek personal contact with a target person, mostly of the contrary sex. This phenomenon seems to have increased recently and concerns above all celebrities of several kinds. In some cases, stalking behavior can culminate in acts of violence. However, the pathological fixation onto an often unattainable person is not a modern phenomenon, since it was studied and described under the term erotomania in former centuries. The author presents and discusses the case of a young man, who displayed his stalking behavior exclusively by telephone calls. 相似文献
Does prior representation of a state on a Congressional defense committee lead to higher levels of per capita defense contracts, or do higher levels of prior per capita contract awards to a state increase its probability of being represented on a defense committee? To solve this puzzle, we estimate a cross-lagged three-equation model on data from all 50 states from 1963 to 1989 using maximum likelihood within LISREL. We find a substantial reciprocal but non-confounding relationship between representation and the allocation of benefits for the House, but not for the Senate. Thus, for the House, this more appropriate model of distributive politics in Congress supports both the committee-induced benefits hypothesis and the recruitment hypothesis. Further, the paper elaborates on how this reciprocal relationship plays out over time.
Examinations of the sociodemographic group foundations of presidential voting and electoral coalitions rely on national samples (e.g., the American National Election Studies). However, recent developments in the state party and electoral change literature suggest variation across the United States in the group bases of political coalitions and in the process of electoral adjustment. Moreover, the strategic implications of the electoral college suggest a focus on state electorates. We estimate multivariate, group-based logit models of presidential vote choice using 1988 CBS/New York Timesand 1992 Voter Research and Surveys exit poll data fromeachof the largest states. Our results reveal noteworthy variation in the nature of group influences on presidential voting, in the composition of presidential electoral coalitions, and in cleavage structures across the states. This mapping exercise suggests limitations in theoretical and empirical accounts of presidential voting, political cleavage, and electoral change that do not accommodate the geopolitical diversity of the United States.相似文献
This paper focuses on an important aspect of presidential debates: the degree to which voters are able to glean candidate information from them. Using an open-ended measure of candidate information, the analysis tests hypotheses concerning the impact of debates on information acquisition among the mass public for all debates from 1976 to 1996. The findings indicate that people do learn from debates and that learning is affected by the context in which the information is encountered. Specifically, early debates generate more learning than do subsequent debates, and the public tends to learn more about candidates with whom they are relatively unfamiliar than about better-known candidates.相似文献
In this article, we develop a dynamic model of aggregate attitudinal change among party activists in order to better understand the process by which new issues/cleavages divide major political parties. We build on existing research by developing a model of change that incorporates both conversion among continuing activists and the replacement of previous activists with newcomers who hold different views. We first explore such change among activists of the two major parties in the United States on the abortion issue. We then consider a number of alternative specifications of the model in order to generalize our findings. We conclude that conversion among continuing activists contributes in a substantial way to aggregate change among party activists by influencing the level of change, accelerating the change process, and sustaining change over time.相似文献
The rarer and more serious a type of crime is, the more the public depends on mediated experiences, either via acquaintances or via the mass media. Prior criminological research has also made the point that although the media over-represent and dramatise certain crimes (e.g. by establishing and referring to so-called crime waves) the public perception shows some resistance to these influences and maintains a certain kind of resilience and validity of its own. The mass media discourse in 1990s Germany on extortion of restaurateurs (e.g. via protection rackets) is embedded in the wider interpretation frame of organised crime and is dominated by the assumption that for restaurateurs of foreign origin, especially in big cities, the confrontation is omnipresent. The following article presents the results of a survey of restaurateurs (n = 7,900, Winter 1995/96). In discussing the representativeness and validity of the reported direct, vicarious and perceived victimisation, it is suggested that the aggregate of the perceived victimisation is the most valid measure. However, the perception of the Lebenswelt-experts is far from the media's claim of a ubiquitous threat. 相似文献