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991.
In the third of a series of studies and reports, the authors expand on the frequency occurrence proportions of various handwritten features. The first study culminated in the publication of “Measuring the Frequency Occurrence of Handwriting and Handprinting Characteristics.” That study was followed by “Measuring the Frequency Occurrence of Handwritten Numeral Characteristics.” The premise of this current and future follow‐up studies is to expand on the initial lists of information incrementally by expanding the number of features and the number of writers. This study expands on the list of numeral features. A total of 34 numeral features was selected by the authors as candidates for this study and tested through an attribute agreement analysis. Based on the results of the testing, 17 new features have been added to the list of proportions. The original 1410 handwritten numeral specimen forms were utilized and pared to 1024 to obtain a proper population sampling for the United States. Interdependency testing was conducted on 783 pairs of inter‐character numerals. A coefficient of correlation between ?0.2 and +0.2 was found in 534 (68.20%) of these pairs. As of this report, there are now a total of 42 numerals with measured frequencies of occurrence. This material has already borne fruit as the combined frequency of occurrence studies were explained during an unsuccessful exclusion hearing in court with an explanation as to how these studies support the reliability of forensic document examination.  相似文献   
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Research on immigration politics has been focused on countries of the Global North. Latin America is often discussed only as a migrant-sending region. This study offers a comparative-historical analysis of Brazilian immigration policy from national independence to the present day. Based on archival research and synthesis of multiple documentation sources, the study finds an affinity between authoritarian politics and immigration restrictionism in the country, which is consistent with theories that link liberal democracy to pro-immigrant policies. Brazilian authoritarian leaders have framed immigrants as threats to the security, order, and culture of the nation to justify tighter controls on immigration. The study concludes that immigration restrictionism can develop in the Global South with discourses strikingly similar to those circulated in the Global North. The findings also suggest that Brazil is still far from the ideal of a multiracial liberal democracy.  相似文献   
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The occupational stress of police officers, and its’ effect on working memory and other psychological and behavioral factors over a two-week work period have been investigated. Cognitive performance and stress levels were examined at pre and post work cycles by using a memory test and several self-reporting surveys, each designed for a specific purpose and to gauge a particular set of behaviors and personality traits. The police officers were assigned to patrol duties at the time of the investigation and placed into three groups based on years of service (1–20 years). The results of the investigation identified a deficit in working memory in Junior, Veteran, and Senior Officers, based on the Ray Osterreith Complex Figure Scores at Baseline (pre-stress) vs. Test Day (post-stress). The other survey tools measuring stress impact on personality and behavior, did not demonstrate any statistical differences in the responding groups of officers in their survey performances.  相似文献   
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Do people fundamentally perceive the Supreme Court as a political institution? Despite the central importance of this question to theories of public evaluations of the Court and its decisions, it remains largely unanswered. To this end, we develop a new, implicit measure of political perceptions of the Court. This new measure relies on a categorization task wherein respondents quickly associate political or non-political attributes with the Supreme Court relative to institutions that are high or low in politicization. We find that the public implicitly perceives the Court as less political than Congress (high politicization) and more political than traffic court (low politicization) and that this measure is distinct from self-reported (explicit) perceptions of politicization. Finally, we find that implicit perceptions have a distinct effect on predicting diffuse support for the court and specific support for one of two Court decisions.  相似文献   
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The promotion of regional integration is a core objective of the European Union’s (EU) foreign policy and has been seen as part of its attempt to transform international society and to make the world a more peaceful place to live. However, the success of this regionalization strategy has been limited and East Asia has been a particularly problematic case. This introduction raises some fundamental questions by first presenting some basic concepts so that the overall studies of the special issue can be systematically undertaken. The underlying questions are the following: How bleak is the picture with regard to regionalism in East Asia and the roles of the EU? Has the EU had no effect on the development of East Asian regionalism? And what potential does regional integration have in helping the transformation of conflicts in East Asia? In addition to these questions, it also discusses and conceptualizes underlying discourses on regional integration, conflict transformation, and regionalism in East Asia. By doing so, it aims to point out that the East Asia region is changing, the EU does play a role in this, and regionalization cannot be ignored as an institutional context that has the potential to assist conflict transformation, especially if windows of opportunity for such engagement arise in the future.  相似文献   
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