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One of the primary incentives to state governments to participate in the national coastal zone management program is the legal requirement that federal resources use activities as well as federal projects and federally permitted activities that affect state ocean and coastal areas must be consistent with federally-approved state coastal programs. The "consistency provisions" are among the most innovative attempts to insure intergovernmental coordination in resource management. In assessing the implementation of the consistency provisions, we find that this legal requirement has led to the development of a variety of formal and informal collaborative mechanisms for intergovernmental coordination in ocean and coastal management. While these mechanisms have led to the resolution of the vast majority of federal-state conflicts in coastal areas some important federal-state conflicts have not been resolved. This has more to do with the character of these particular conflicts than the general effectiveness of the mechanisms for collaboration that have been established.  相似文献   
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In the face of a potential bird flu pandemic, Australian Federal Health Minister, Tony Abbott, has recently dismissed expert advice that the government should begin, or even publicly consider, authorising generic manufacturers to produce antivirals, such as Tamiflu and Relenza, under patent via non-voluntary licensing methods. This is despite the fact that the demand for antivirals in Australia, and throughout the world, cannot be met by manufacturers under the control of limited patent owners alone. This article proposes that Australian patent law, which allows for non-voluntary licensing when it comes to important public health issues that affect Australian citizens, is relevant in meeting the demand for increased antiviral treatments during a possible bird flu pandemic, domestically and abroad. It argues that the Australian Government must go beyond what is currently being done and investigate and pursue such options.  相似文献   
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Tim Bryar 《圆桌》2017,106(2):155-164
Abstract

The current state of Pacific regionalism is faced with a range of external and internal factors that are acting to reshape the region and which call for a rethinking of Pacific regionalism. Within this context a range of new and in some cases reinvigorated groupings of political actors have emerged, seeking to influence and shape the region. Interpretations of this plurality of political groupings differ, with some authors seeing it as a direct challenge to the previously existing regional order, while others argue it signals a return to a foundational Pacific voice in regional politics. This article suggests that the present plurality is more than resituating a ‘Pacific voice’ and is not necessarily a challenge to the existing order. Rather, the Pacific’s experience mirrors global trends in the evolution of regionalism as a practice, in which network diplomacy or coalition-building across the plethora of actors will become a predominant feature of new regionalism. Further, the authors argue that the Framework for Pacific Regionalism provides the platform for effectively navigating this new context through facilitating the politics of networks and coalitions to drive the shared interests of the region, and presents a shared platform to test paradigm-shifting ideas.  相似文献   
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One in five people in the EU and nearly one in ten in the world are now aged 65 and over. This demographic transformation is one of the great successes of the twentieth century and has profoundly altered the composition of electorates in many democracies. This article explores whether and how this population ageing reshapes the relationship between democracy and capitalism. I argue that ageing changes the economic and policy priorities of a growing share of democracies’ electorates in ways that incentivise elected governments to prioritise certain social policies and economic outcomes, such as pensions and low inflation, at the expense of others, most notably greater social investments and pursuing economic growth. As a result, gerontocracies increasingly lead to what I call a ‘gerontonomia’ characterised by democratically sustained economic stagnation.  相似文献   
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Recent violent incidents in The Netherlands caused nationwide debates about their purported senselessness. Building on Lerner's Just World Theory (Lerner, 1980, The Belief in a Just World. A Fundamental Delusion, Plenum Press, New York), the present experiment sought to delineate the circumstances under which violence is perceived as senseless by outside observers. Participants were more likely to perceive an act of violence as senseless and to identify with the victim when there was no opportunity to blame the victim and when the victim was uninvolved with the perpetrator. These findings suggest that acts of violence are perceived as senseless when attributional strategies fail to uphold observers' belief in a just world.  相似文献   
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