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251.
Koller M Blanchfield K Vavra T Andrusyk J Altier M 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2012,40(3):219-232
In 1985, the Bishops' Committee on Priestly Life and Ministry recommended bishops form holistic health boards for their priests based on the results of a 1982 U.S. survey of Catholic priests. In 1995, a holistic health committee was formed under the office of the vicar for priests for the archdiocese of Chicago. One of the committee's first actions was to survey the priests of the archdiocese of Chicago to identify baseline health behaviors and needs. Survey results (n = 524; 52% response rate) revealed the need for the committee to promote health education, preventive care, and annual physicals. The committee conducted a series of health fairs, improved the insurance benefit for an annual physical, and conducted a series of health-related talks targeted to priests. A follow-up survey in 2006 (n = 389; 46% response rate) indicated improvements in health behaviors of the priests. Comparisons to statewide and national data indicate that overall, engagement in healthy behaviors is higher for priests than for men who are not priests. 相似文献
252.
253.
In this paper we endeavour to isolate the top ten innovations and developments that have occurred in policing in the last thirty years. We consider that each of them brought about a new mindset, pattern or trend into contemporary police practice. We have focused our attention on the last thirty years because it is during this time that we have both maintained a keen academic interest in the field. While we have focused our attention on the way in which each has affected Australian policing, we are cognisant of the fact that many of them had their roots in other settings long before Australian policy-makers adopted or adapted them. 相似文献
254.
Christopher T. Lowenkamp Alexander M. Holsinger Tim Dierks 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》2018,43(2):167-180
Jurisdictions at every level throughout the U.S. are paying an increasing amount of attention to pretrial case processing. The primary areas of attention appear to be on risk assessment development and classification, the effects of pretrial detention, and the effectiveness of various strategies that may impact a defendant’s failure to appear for their assigned court dates. The current study is a randomized experimental trial designed to test the effects of court notification strategies, using failure to appear (FTA) as the primary outcome of interest. Our findings do not reveal a palpable effect for court notification strategies (telephone calls, and text messaging, with other conditions layered in), but do indicate and reinforce the utility of an actuarial method of risk classification when predicting likelihood of FTA. 相似文献
255.
256.
William D. Colentan Tim A. Mau 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2002,45(4):490-511
Abstract: Although we have fairly good knowledge of the impact of official bilingual‐ism at the federal level and of official unilingualism in Quebec on language practice in government, we know less about whether these changes in language policies have led to shifts in language practice in civil‐society organizations. The Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism carried out an extensive investigation of language practices in the private sector and in voluntary associations. Using the royal commission's work on associations representing the general interests of business, this article examines language practices of these associations three decades after the royal commission's studies were published. The authors argue that the cordiality found between French and English in general business associations in the late 1960s continues to be the rule in these types of associations today. This cordiality, however, is rooted in a change in linguistic relations. Federal‐level associations tend to have accommodated institutional bilingualism but retain English as their language of work. Quebec‐based associations have moved to conform to official unilingualism. Moreover, the number of non‐francophones in positions of authority in the Quebec groups has diminished, with executive structures now being dominated by francophones. Sommaire: Si nous avons une assez bonne connaissance de I'impact du bilinguisme officiel A I'échelle fedérale et de I'unilinguisme officiel au Québec sur la pratique lan‐gagiére du gouvemement, nous ne savons pas trb bien si ces modifications des poli‐tiques linguistiques ont entraîné des changements dans la pratique IangagèPre des organismes de la société civile. La Commission royale d'enquête sur le bilinguisme ct Ie biculturalisme a entrepris une recherche extensive sur les pratiques langagières dans le secteur privé et les associations bbnévoles. Grdce au travail de la Commission royale sur les associations representant les intérêts généraux des entreprises, cette ètude examine les pratiques langagières de ces associations, trois décennies après la publication des études de la Commission royale d'enquête. Les auteurs font remarquer que la cordialité observée entre le français et l'anglais au sein des associations cornmerciales vers la fin des années 1960 continue a être la règle dans ces types d'associations aujourd'hui. Cependant, cette cordialité est enracinée dans une modification des relations linpistiques. Les associations A 1′échelle féd érale ont tendance a satisfaire les exigences du bilinguisme institutionnel, mais conservent I'anglais cornme langue de travail. Les associations établies au Québec ont pris des rnesures pour se conformer à I'unilinguisme officiel. En outre, les non francophones sont moins nombreux à occuper des positions d'autorité dans les groupes au Québec, les structures de direction étant maintenant dominées par des francophones. 相似文献
257.
Tim R. Sass 《Public Choice》1992,74(4):405-424
258.
Tim Boston 《Democracy & Nature》2000,6(2):199-210
This essay explores the ideology of right-wing libertarian think tanks and legal foundations-a branch of the anti-green movement (which can also be referred to as the anti-environmental movement, contrarianism, or the countermovement against sustainability). Specifically, it examines the beliefs and values, images and symbols, techniques and tactics, and the financial/socio-political connections of right-wing libertarian groups. It also investigates the flaws emerging from the groups' ideological position. The findings demonstrate that right-wing libertarian think tanks and legal foundations have an ethically disputable and incoherent ideological stance. Embedded within their discourse is an interest in securing social, economic and political control at the expense of the common good and environmental welfare. This is an explicit but more often implicit agenda. For instance, they declare themselves as public advocates, even though they represent private, corporate concerns. 相似文献
259.
Jonathan Boston Stephen Church Tim Bale 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2003,62(4):7-22
It is often claimed that proportional representation (PR) undermines government effectiveness, including decisional efficacy, fiscal prudence, electoral responsiveness and accountability. Drawing on New Zealand's experience since the introduction of a mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system in 1996, this article examines the impact of the new voting system on government effectiveness. Although government durability has been substantially reduced and the policy-making process has become more complex, governments under MMP appear to be no less able to address major policy problems or respond to changing economic circumstances. Moreover, New Zealand has maintained continuous fiscal surpluses under MMP — a radical departure from the protracted, and often large, deficits that characterised the previous two decades under a majoritarian electoral system. 相似文献
260.
Tim Wright 《当代中国》2007,16(51):173-194
This paper analyses the capacity of China's central state to control society and implement its policies at the local level, using as a case study the implementation from 1998 of a major policy initiative—‘closing the pits and reducing coal production’. The aims of this policy were to close down many of the TVE (township and village enterprise) mines, thereby ameliorating China's coal safety record, and to reduce output in order to balance supply and demand, thereby improving the situation of the SOE (state-owned enterprise) coal mines. The paper concludes that, despite some success, the state found it difficult to overcome resistance from a powerful coalition of local cadres, mine bosses, workers and farmers who depended directly or indirectly on the mines for their living. It therefore highlights continuing shortfalls in China's state capacity, particularly in situations where the state is trying to control or influence the distribution of economic rents as between different groups in society. 相似文献