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The Tri-State Crematory Incident in Nobel, GA (February 2001) revealed limitations in traditional human cremated remains (cremains) analytical methodology. The goal of this study was to develop a method for effectively classifying questionable sets of cremains as legitimate or contaminated. Eighty-eight samples of known human cremains, concrete, mixtures of the two, and questionable sets of cremains were acid digested and analyzed for 21 elements by Inductively Coupled Plasma-Optical Emission Spectroscopy (ICP-OES). Variable cluster and principle component analyses identified the seven elements (Sb, B, Li, Mn, Sr, Tl, and V) used to develop discriminant functions to classify questionable sets into two groups: cremains and concrete. The discriminant analysis shows that at the 0.90 probability level, mixtures of 50% or less human content were classified as concrete. Mixtures with 90% human content classified as cremains. Sixty percent and 75% human content mixtures remained in the questionable classification, but as the concentration of human increased in the mixture, the probability of assignment to the known cremains group increased. Most of the questionable human samples classified as cremains. This is a pilot study and cannot yet satisfy Daubert standards for courtroom admissibility, but it indicates that it is possible to determine the legitimacy of cremains using elemental analysis by ICP-OES coupled with multivariate statistical analysis. 相似文献
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Vesla M. Weaver 《Political Behavior》2012,34(1):159-192
Despite the significant role that skin color plays in material well-being and social perceptions, scholars know little if
anything about whether skin color and afrocentric features influence political cognition and behavior and specifically, if
intraracial variation in addition to categorical difference affects the choices of voters. Do more phenotypically black minorities
suffer an electoral penalty as they do in most aspects of life? This study investigates the impact of color and phenotypically
black facial features on candidate evaluation, using a nationally representative survey experiment of over 2000 whites. Subjects
were randomly assigned to campaign literature of two opposing candidates, in which the race, skin color and features, and
issue stance of candidates was varied. I find that afrocentric phenotype is an important, albeit hidden, form of bias in racial
attitudes and that the importance of race on candidate evaluation depends largely on skin color and afrocentric features.
However, like other racial cues, color and black phenotype don’t influence voters’ evaluations uniformly but vary in magnitude
and direction across the gender and partisan makeup of the electorate in theoretically explicable ways. Ultimately, I argue,
scholars of race politics, implicit racial bias, and minority candidates are missing an important aspect of racial bias. 相似文献
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