全文获取类型
收费全文 | 229篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 9篇 |
世界政治 | 85篇 |
外交国际关系 | 23篇 |
法律 | 84篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 23篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 7篇 |
2013年 | 19篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 10篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 11篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 15篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有236条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
231.
232.
In 2009, the Netherlands introduced a 10-day temporary restraining order (TRO) intended for adult perpetrators of domestic violence to defuse dangerous situations and to reduce recidivism by combining a legal action with social services. For this study, 18 victims and 10 perpetrators were interviewed about their experiences with the TRO, related professional help, and the influence the TRO had had on their lives. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and subsequently qualitatively analyzed. Most of the victims were positive about the TRO period. Perpetrators were less positive. The vast majority of respondents accepted help during the TRO and were positive about the professionals’ attitudes, but not necessarily about the type of help. Most respondents reported an increase in their wellbeing, new insights, and no or less serious re-assaults by the perpetrator. The results suggest that, in the short term, TROs have a mainly positive effect on both victims and perpetrators. 相似文献
233.
Previous research has identified several structural and situational factors that affect party cohesion in parliamentary voting behaviour. The potential role of leadership has been neglected so far. The authors apply a latent variable approach to model leadership effects in roll call votes from the European Parliament (EP), 1979–2001. Other things being equal, their findings suggest that a small but significant 7 per cent share of the total variance in party group cohesion is due to the party group leaders. About 40 per cent of this leader component can be accounted for by their experience inside the European institutions, their career prospects, and their ideological positions. 相似文献
234.
Trust and Safety in the Segregated City: Contextualizing the Relationship between Institutional Trust,Crime‐related Insecurity and Generalized Trust
下载免费PDF全文
![点击此处可从《Scandinavian political studies》网站下载免费的PDF全文](/ch/ext_images/free.gif)
Trust is a crucial asset for any society, and the quest to generate and uphold trust is as crucial as ever. Several contemporary societal developments are proposed as being particularly challenging for upholding and restoring the levels of trust in society, including increasing ethnic diversity, rising inequality and the related geographical segregation. It has been convincingly argued that democratic institutions may generate trust by neutralizing some of these effects. This article explores how the mechanisms of trust differ in segregated, disadvantaged neighbourhoods as opposed to the surrounding general society. The empirical material consists of individual‐level data from a segregated neighbourhood (Vivalla) in a medium‐sized city in Sweden (Örebro), with a random sample from the population of the city (the Vivalla area excluded) as the comparison reference point, representing the general society. In the article, perceived safety is introduced as an important mediator between trust in legal and government institutions and generalized trust, through which the differing mechanisms become evident. In the disadvantaged neighbourhood, it is shown that trust in government institutions has the function of primarily decreasing crime‐related insecurity, which in its turn affects generalized trust. Thus, the relationship is indirect. In the city population, the effect instead goes directly from trust in government institutions to generalized trust. The results suggest that the potentials of different means to build and restore trust are dependent on local context. 相似文献
235.
Christopher J. Rogers Ph.D. Clara M.A. ten Broek Ph.D. Barbara Hodson Michael P. Whitehead Ph.D. Wera M. Schmerer Dr. rer. nat. Raul Sutton Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(6):1575-1582
Articular cartilage was examined to determine its decomposition sequence and its potential for assessing the postmortem interval. Scanning electron microscopy of articular cartilage from buried porcine trotters showed the presence of microcrystals on the synovial surface. These orthorhombic pyramidal or “coffin”‐shaped crystals, appeared at 3 weeks (22 days) after interment and disappeared after 6 weeks. The disappearance of these crystals was linked to decompositional changes to the integrity of the synovial joint. The formation and disappearance of these crystals was associated with a pH change at the cartilage surface. Scanning electron microscopy–energy‐dispersive X‐ray (SEM‐EDX) analysis showed that the five main elements contained within these crystals were carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, magnesium, and phosphorous. Such elemental analysis suggested the crystals may be struvite (MgNH4PO46(H2O)). Bacteria cultured from the cartilage synovial surface produced struvite crystals when grown in suitable media and were identified by DNA analysis to be Comamonas sp. 相似文献
236.
Tobias Tesche 《管理》2023,36(1):125-140
This article shows how the European Central Bank (ECB) reduced the risk of politicization and de facto de-delegation despite experiencing contestation. During the euro area crisis and the coronavirus emergency the ECB's monetary policy measures have been widely praised for their effectiveness. Even though the ECB is an independent trustee that cannot be easily sanctioned, it needs to engage with its principals to receive their political backing for common projects and in order to reaffirm its own centrality in governance. This article identifies different trustee strategies to reduce politicization and thereby to decrease the risk of de facto de-delegation: (i) dualism, (ii) voluntary self-restraint, and (iii) changing the yard stick. It concludes by showing that the ECB has expanded its monetary policy toolbox without triggering neither formal nor de facto de-delegation. 相似文献