Psychopathy and violent recidivism

The violent recidivism rates of 169 adult male mentally disordered offenders released from a maximum security psychiatric hospital were compared over an average 10-year follow-up period. Forty percent of the total and 77% of the psychopaths (as defined by the Psychopathy Checklist) committed a violent offense. It was possible to predict outcome with considerable accuracy using combinations of childhood history, adult history, index offense, and institutional or program variables. However, the Psychopathy Checklist alone performed at least as well as any combination of variables and also improved upon the prediction based on criminal history variables. Psychopaths continued to recidivate at a higher rate than nonpsychopaths even beyond age 40.This research was supported by the Ontario Mental Health Foundation under grant No. 952-86-88. Thanks are due to R. Hare and V. Quinsey for comments on earlier versions of this paper and to V. Bell, C. Lang, L. Koshkerian, S. Robinson, and C. MacKnight for collecting the data.     

An evaluation of a maximum security therapeutic community for psychopaths and other mentally disordered offenders

Psychopaths present serious problems for the criminal justice system because they are responsible for many serious crimes and appear to be very resistant to treatment. The present study was a retrospective evaluation of the efficacy of a maximum security therapeutic community program in reducing recidivism among mentally disordered offenders, some of whom were psychopaths. The study employed a matched group, quasiexperimental design. The results showed that, compared to no program (in most cases prison), treatment was associated with lower recidivism (especially violent recidivism) for nonpsychopaths and higher violent recidivism for psychopaths. The clinical and research utility of Hare's Psychopathy Checklist was strongly supported.     

Local government decision‐making—citizen participation and local accountability: some evidence from Kenya and Uganda

The current fashion for decentralisation is built on the assumption that it will result in decisions that reflect local needs and priorities. Yet representative democracy, through periodic elections, is a crude mechanism for establishing these needs and priorities. Most local government systems offer few other opportunities for citizens to participate, particularly for the poor, and few mechanisms of accountability. This article reviews the literature relating local level decision‐making, citizen participation and accountability. It then presents the findings of a study of decision‐making about the use of resources in a sample of municipal governments in Kenya and Uganda. Local governments in Kenya have traditionally offered minimal scope for citizen participation or accountability, but this is beginning to change, mainly as a result of performance conditions applied through the recently introduced Local Authorities Transfer Fund (LATF), together with an increasingly active civil society. In Uganda, which has undergone a radical decentralisation, there is much greater scope for citizen participation at the local level but there are still many of the same problems of local accountability as in Kenya. The article reviews some of the examples of, and reasons for, good (and bad) practice. It concludes that factors like committed local leadership, central monitoring of performance, articulate civil society organisations and the availability of information are critical. But even with these, there is no guarantee that decentralised decision‐making will be inclusive of the poor. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Restoration tactics for seriously corroded Cu and Cu-alloy firearms evidence

A cleaning procedure for seriously weathered or corroded bullets and cartridge casings was developed and implemented for evidence specimens from a multiple homicide. The restoration protocol entailed successive treatments with increasingly aggressive chemical solvents and cleaning solutions while monitoring the progress of the method by optical microscopy. Treatment of worst-case, Cu-alloy jacketed bullets and casings resulted in reconditioned specimens that subsequently underwent successful firearms examinations.     

Slow Change at the Top: ‘Old Hands’ and ‘Accidental Executives’ in New South Wales Local Government

Scholars and practitioners alike have recognised that an increased role for women leaders in Australian local government would strengthen the sector, yet little research to date has examined the career paths of non‐elected officials. This article combines the gender in organisations literature with career theory to examine the career paths of 16 general managers (GMs) in New South Wales. We found that half the participants had linear career paths based entirely within local government and half had boundaryless careers originating outside the sector. This second cohort consisted overwhelmingly of women. Nevertheless, a high incidence of happenstance characterised both career types. Several participants saw themselves pitted against a gendered (i.e. male) group of ‘old hands’ who were resistant to change being driven by ‘accidental executives’, a high proportion of whom were women. The findings have implications for a sector attempting to attract and retain skilled staff, particularly women.     

Participatory Budgeting in Australian Local Government: An Initial Assessment and Critical Issues

Participatory budgeting (PB), a process whereby governments seek direct input from citizens into financial decisions, is gaining a foothold in the community engagement practices of Australian local governments. Following questions of definition, we survey the theoretical terrain, locating PB within several components of local democracy. We then provide details of six PB processes in New South Wales, Victoria, and Western Australia. We identify several questions for the future of PB in Australian local governments, including the role of deliberative practices as part of the broader work of councils, the issue of the adaptability of councils and leaders, the impacts upon state and local governments, and the role of third parties. The article concludes by reflecting on how PB sits with democratic practices at the local level if it continues to be implemented.