Approaches to low-income groups' sexuality: a comparative study of women in three low-income contexts in Peru

"This work...examines the cultural dimension of sexuality and fertility of women from [low-income] sectors in Peru. It intends to explain the cultural processes that fall into the intermediate variables of fertility, such as marriage rate, contraception, breastfeeding and...abortion. These dimensions of sexual and reproductive life are analyzed according to two explanatory dimensions: generation and cultural context of socialization. The general hypothesis is that a cultural process of homogenization of the values and behaviors has been taking place over sexuality, in such a way that the younger generations will show similar standard behaviors and values no matter their context of socialization; in the meantime, in the older groups there will exist contextual differences in these dimensions." (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Repeated postevent questioning can lead to elevated levels of eyewitness confidence

Two experiments tested the proposition that postevent questioning can lead to later increases in witness confidence without corresponding changes in witness accuracy. After a staged interruption in a college classroom, participants were questioned about the event 5 times over 5 weeks in Experiment 1 (n=57) and 3 times over 5 days in Experiment 2 (n=79). During the final questioning session, the participant-witnesses consistently reported higher levels of confidence for those items that had been subject to repeated postevent questioning than for those items that were asked for the first time, yet there was no difference in the accuracy of the responses to the two sets of items. Additionally, in all conditions the participant-witnesses were generally overconfident in their responses. These results suggest that repeated postevent questioning can cause eyewitnesses' subsequent confidence estimates to be artificially inflated.     

Urban women's informal savings and credit systems in Zambia

This article is based on findings from semi-structured interviews and discussions among "chilimba" groups in Zambia. Chilimba groups are primarily women's groups that engage in credit and savings programs. Group membership ranges from 4 to 20 members. The women agree on a fixed, regular cash contribution that is given in turn to each member in a specified order. Market groups tend to be larger and contributions of about a dollar are made daily. Smaller groups tend to make larger, but less frequent contributions. Default is rare, as the commitment is taken very seriously. New members are added at the end of the rotation. Loans can be used for domestic or business use. Chilimba groups are evidence that very poor people desire savings. Chilimba brings together people with similar financial needs and resources. Chilimba does not require formal, written procedures or formal institutional frameworks. Chilimba is not a remedy for reducing overall poverty. It is appropriate only for people with some regular source of income. It does not serve as a safety net in emergencies. Long-term loans are not possible. A limitation is its openness and lack of structure that permit potential abuse. It is a livelihood strategy for women, but benefits could be gained from including men. It is urged that groups consider whether the position of the poor is being enhanced or undermined. Different models need to be tested. Members themselves must decide on the type and phasing of activities.