首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   696篇
  免费   25篇
各国政治   50篇
工人农民   47篇
世界政治   102篇
外交国际关系   48篇
法律   294篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   170篇
综合类   3篇
  2023年   8篇
  2021年   11篇
  2020年   17篇
  2019年   21篇
  2018年   29篇
  2017年   35篇
  2016年   26篇
  2015年   16篇
  2014年   27篇
  2013年   151篇
  2012年   24篇
  2011年   28篇
  2010年   18篇
  2009年   18篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   23篇
  2006年   11篇
  2005年   25篇
  2004年   22篇
  2003年   20篇
  2002年   23篇
  2001年   18篇
  2000年   8篇
  1999年   9篇
  1998年   11篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   6篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   12篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   3篇
  1990年   5篇
  1989年   6篇
  1987年   7篇
  1985年   3篇
  1984年   4篇
  1982年   5篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   4篇
  1979年   6篇
  1978年   2篇
  1977年   4篇
  1976年   3篇
  1975年   2篇
  1971年   1篇
  1969年   1篇
  1968年   2篇
  1967年   3篇
  1963年   1篇
  1962年   2篇
排序方式: 共有721条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
52.
Tax and expenditure limitations (TELs) have become a pervasive influence on local government fiscal affairs. Explanations for the spread of TELs suggest that voters thought local government was growing more than needed. Thus, TELs were intended to constrain growth and reduce the size of local governments. This article's purpose was to determine the impact of two separate kinds of TELs, one a property tax measure, and the other a comprehensive revenue and expenditure limit, upon the growth of municipal governments in Colorado. Using a panel data set on municipal budgets (1975–1996), the article demonstrates three major points: 1) the effectiveness of a TEL in achieving reductions in local government revenue and spending growth depends upon the nature of the TEL; 2) the comprehensive TEL did effectively constrain growth and reduce local government reliance on the property tax, despite the local options for exemption; and 3) TELs do not have uniform impacts among governments of different population.  相似文献   
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
The Hammock     
Tom Sleigh 《耶鲁评论》1998,86(2):116-117
  相似文献   
58.
The article explores the impact of Conservative governments since 1979 on business representation. It concentrates on the trade association—the most common form of business organization in the UK but one which has been largely neglected in the discussion of business representation. The results of a major survey of trade associations conducted in 1994 are reported and their significance assessed in the light of three general propositions about the direction of business representation since 1979.  相似文献   
59.
This paper, through an extensive literature review of biker websites, newspaper articles, popular books, the limited scholarly research, and court cases, as well as interviews and associations with law enforcement officers and 1% bikers, identifies and describes the major 1% biker clubs. The Big 5 clubs—Hell’s Angels, Bandidos, Outlaws, Pagans, and Sons of Silence— are discussed. Their history, number of chapters in the United States and overseas, and a “best guess estimate” of membership numbers are also provided. Similar information is provided on the major independent 1% biker clubs—Warlocks, Mongols and Iron Horsemen. There is also a brief discussion of the role of puppet (support) clubs and the four black or interracial 1% biker clubs. This research, describing the clubs, is the first step needed to stimulate research on this under researched topic.  相似文献   
60.
Many arguments in favour of constitutionally entrenched Bills of Rights are undermined by the inherently controversial nature of human rights with respect to their content, their form, and their valence. Even in the case of civil and political rights, the concretization of rights at the level of specificity required to decide particular cases must always be politically and morally controversial. There is no accepted moral or legal method that can be utilized to give the requisite objectivity to the value choices inherent in human rights jurisprudence. Positivization of human rights increases their utility but compromises their moral status. It follows that legitimate articulation of human rights requires ongoing democratic dialogue and decision-making. Although perceived as a stop-gap measure, the Human Rights Act 1998 could facilitate an enduring partnership between courts and parliaments, placing human rights more firmly on the political agenda and establishing a proper balance between the inputs of courts and parliaments which recognizes that the development of positivized human rights must be primarily located in electorally-based politics.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号