Toward an effective international legal order: from coexistence to concert?

In forbidding the use of force except in self‐defence against armed attack or when authorised by the Security Council, the UN Charter appears to be the culminating development of a system of international order based on the doctrine of state sovereignty. The cumulative result of international‐law‐related acts, omissions and declarations of the Bush administration since its inception can be construed as a fundamental challenge to the sovereign state system. The administration's stated security strategy is one possible response to undoubtedly grave challenges to national and human security. In fact, only an institutionalised partnership between the US and regional powers such as China, India, Brazil and Germany can hope to address those challenges successfully, in part because only it would have the requisite legitimacy. That partnership or concert could be organised within the UN framework, albeit intensifying its hierarchical elements.     

Vertrag über Stabilit?t, Koordinierung und Steuerung in der WWU und Europ?ischer Stabilit?tsmechanismus

Anfang Februar 2012 unterzeichneten die 17 Euro-Staaten den Vertrag über die Einrichtung eines permanenten Europ?ischen Stabilit?tsmechanismus ("ESM-Vertrag"). Einen Monat sp?ter wurde von 25 der 27 EU-Mitgliedstaaten der Vertrag über Stabilit?t, Koordinierung und Steuerung in der Wirtschafts- und W?hrungsunion ("VSKS") zum Abschluss gebracht. Beide Vertr?ge sind Teil des Krisenbew?ltigungsprogramms in der Union, stehen aber au?erhalb des EU-Vertragswerks. Aufgrund der Ausgestaltung als rein zwischenstaatliche Vereinbarungen werfen die beiden Vertr?ge hinsichtlich ihres Verh?ltnisses zu und ihrer Vereinbarkeit mit dem Recht der Europ?ischen Union einige interessante Fragen auf, die der vorliegende Beitrag n?her untersuchen will.     

Voter turnout in presidential primaries: A cross-sectional examination

Decades of individual and aggregate level research suggest that three sets of factors influence voter turnout: the socioeconomic makeup of the potential voter; legal restrictions on voting; and the political context of each election. In this brief study, we use state-level data to test whether these factors combine to account for variations in turnout rates in the electoral arena of presidential primaries. As expected, high turnout is associated with states which have high median levels of education, lenient legal restrictions on voting, and a history of competitive two-party elections. Also congruent with our expectations, but at odds with research of other electoral arenas, high turnout in presidential primaries is unrelated to high campaign spending or close elections. We contend that spending in presidential primaries may be simply too low to stimulate turnout and that close primaries do not enhance turnout because voters are often unaware that the pending election will be close.The names of the authors appear in alphabetical order and imply that this study is in every way a collaborative enterprise.     

Civic Culture and Government Performance in the American States

In a recent study, Robert D. Putnam reported a strong relationshipbetween civic culture and government performance among the newlyempowered regions of Italy. This article extends Putnam's methodologythe American states. Using similar techniques, we constructindices of civic culture and government performance for thestates. When correlated, the results reveal a clear link betweencivicness and performance. States that are more civic lend tohave governments that enact more liberal and innovative policies.This relationship between civicness and performance remainsstrong even after controlling for political culture, ideology,education, and other factors.     

The periphery–dominated center

Nomination: The periphery–dominated centre by Peter Mair, p.63
Reflections: The periphery–dominated centre by Tom Garvin, p.66     

Reviews

Neil Harding, Lenin's Political Thought, Vol. 2 Theory and Practice in the Socialist Revolution. London: Macmillan, 1981. ix + 387 pp. £15.00.

David Lane, Leninism, A Sociological Interpretation. Cambridge: C.U.P., 1981. x + 150 pp. £13.50 and £4.50.

Christel Lane, The Rites of Rulers. Ritual in Industrial Society—The Soviet Case. Cambridge University Press, 1981. 308 pp. £20.00, £6.95 paperback.

Alastair McAuley, Women's Work and Wages in the USSR. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1981. xi + 228 pp. £18.00, $37.50.

Marie Lavigne (ed.), Travail et Monnaie en systemesocialiste. Paris: Economica, 1981. 310 pp.

Robert Campbell, Soviet Energy Technologies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980. x + 268 pp. $22.50, £13.50.

Alfred Zauberman, Topics in Trade Coordination of Planned Economies. London and Basingstoke; The Macmillan Press Ltd., 1980. 108 pp. £15.00.

Helen Desfosses (ed.), Soviet Population Policy: Conflicts and Constraints. New York: Pergamon Press, 1981. xx + 210 pp. $24.50

Judith Pallot and Denis J. B. Shaw, Planning in the Soviet Union. London: Croom Helm, 1981. 303 pp. £16.95 (boards).

Peter Hruby, Fools and Heroes: The Changing Role of Communist Intellectuals in Czechoslovakia. Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1980. xx + 265 pp. $32.00 & $18.75, £14.00 & £8.50.

Jiri Musil, Urbanization in Socialist Countries. White Plains, New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc., 1980 and London: Croom Helm, 1981. xii + 188 pp. £10.50.

Timothy J. Colton, Commisars, Commanders, and Civilian Authority: The Structure of Soviet Military Politics. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979. viii + 365 pp. £15.00.     

Of legitimacy,legality and public affairs

This paper argues that legality is not enough and that sound public affairs underpins the legitimacy of a political system. It examines the impact of lost legitimacy on Tony Blair, President Bush and America's foreign policy. The author draws historical comparisons between Britain in the Middle East in the 1920s and the USA's problems today and suggests that the fundamental problem is the lack of legitimacy in the region's politics. The paper concludes by asserting that the legitimacy of the EU political system will be endangered while public understanding of its institutions remains limited. Copyright © 2004 Henry Stewart Publications