Counterinsurgency and terror expertise: the integration of social scientists into the war effort

In this paper the authors draw upon the tradition of Power Structure Research to analyse the increased interpenetration of the military and the social sciences, particularly the recruitment of anthropologists and the adoption and adaptation of counterinsurgency strategies. It is argued that such actors should be understood not as disinterested ‘experts’ but as being organically embedded in a military–industrial–academic complex. The paper considers a number of contemporary examples as well as considering the historical roots of these trends. It is argued that this interpenetration violates the ethical norms of the academy and the moral and social responsibilities of intellectuals.     

Intergovernmental relations,social policy and federal transfers after Romanow

Abstract: This article explores the new and old intergovernmental dynamics around federal transfers to the provinces for health and social policy spending in the aftermath of the Romanow report and the decision to split the Canada Health and Social Transfer (chst) into its two component parts. Though the provinces have agreed to the split, the federal government undertook the allocation of the transfer to the new Canada Health Transfer and the Canada Social Transfer unilaterally. At the same time, the federal government has simultaneously been increasing its own social spending in areas of provincial jurisdiction in recent years. In response, the provinces have been taking an increasingly hard line towards Ottawa's unilateral actions, as demonstrated by the creation of the Council of the Federation and its focus on the so‐called fiscal imbalance in the federation. These dynamics make the intergovernmental commitment to collaborative federalism ring somewhat hollow. The article argues that the inability of both orders of government to take collaborative federalism and policy interdependence seriously poses significant threats not only to the health of the federation but also to efforts to create healthy public policy. Sommaire: Le présent article porte sur les nouvelles et anciennes dynamiques inter‐gouvemementales concernant les transferts accordés par le fédéral aux provinces pour le financement des politiques sociales et de santé, qui ont découlé du Rapport Romanow et de la décision de scinder le Transfert canadien en matiè‐e de santé et de programmes sociaux (TCSPS) en deux composantes distinctes. Quoique les provinces aient accepté la scission, le gouvernement fédéral a entrepris de procéder unilatérale‐ment à l'affectation des paiements aux nouveaux Transfert canadien en matière de santé et Transfert canadien en matière de programmes sociaux. Simultanément, ces dernières années, le gouvernement fédéral a accru ses propres dépenses sociales dans des domaines de juridiction provinciale. Face à cela, les provinces ont adopté une position de plus en plus intransigeante à l'egard des initiatives unilatéralcs d'Ottawa comme le démontrent la céeation du Conseil de la fédération et sa concentration sur le soi‐disant déséquilibre financier au sein de la fédération. Cette dynarnique fait que l'engagement intergouvernemental envers le fédéralisme de collaboration sonne plutôt vide. L'article soutient que L'inaptitude des deux ordres de gouverncment a prendre au serieux le fédéralisme de collaboration et L'interdépendance politique représente une forte menace, non seulement pour la santé de la fédération, mais aussi pour les efforts visant à créer un politique publique saine.     

Communism and Camorra in Naples

The town of Marano borders Naples' city boundaries to the north. With a population of nearly 60,000, it has its own local administrative structure, although in many ways it is part of the ``greater Naples' conurbation of close to three million people. One striking peculiarity of Marano is that it is the only town council in southern Italy administered by the far left party Rifondazione Comunista (Communist Refoundation, or RC). This peculiarity is compounded when one considers that Marano has one of the highest concentrations of organised criminal activity (which in Naples takes the name of Camorra rather than Mafia) in the Naples urban area, historically led by the four Nuvoletta brothers – and a far left council administering a highly criminal locality is a highly unusual occurrencein Italy. This article first presents the town of Marano and its history of Camorra activity, before analysing the national politics of RC and the activity of its members in Marano, principally as administrators of the town council. It then concludes with a brief critique of the weaknesses associated with a strategy of traditional Keynesian public sector policies being enacted on a local scale, both in terms of the corruption of local and national government, and the dominance of national and international economic trends which ultimately determine many of the major social and economic characteristics of towns such as Marano.     

What Secular Age?

After asserting that the title of Charles Taylor’s book A Secular Age is misleading—since around the world religious communities of belief are still quite robust—this paper argues that the most important tension in contemporary societies, is not, as Taylor thinks, that between believers and so-called unbelievers, but rather that between monists and pluralists, between advocates of closed communities and advocates of open communities, be they religious or secular.     

Preferences,beliefs, and values in negotiations concerning aid to Nicaragua

The paper argues that in the context of public choice for non-market goods, two assumptions of the simple model of the rational economic actor may not hold. The assumptions are that there is a direct connection between choice and outcome, and that preferences are not affected by the act of making a choice. Consequently, to understand people's preferences for public goods, it is important to measure their beliefs and values separately rather than simply to observe their choice behavior or to ask them what they would be willing to pay for the public good. In an example study, people's preferences for U.S. policies toward Nicaragua were measured and further analyzed into their beliefs about the effects of those policies on Nicaraguan outcomes, and their evaluations of the Nicaraguan outcomes. It was shown that the process of making a two-person choice changed the preferences, and that the separate measures or beliefs and values gave insight into the process of the change that would not have been available had only the preferences been measured. Implications for the contingent valuation method are explored and an alternative approach is proposed.