What Are You Prepared to Do? NATO and the Strategic Mismatch Between Ends,Ways, and Means in Afghanistan—and in the Future

This article examines ISAF (International Security Assistance Force) operations in Afghanistan as a way to get at the strategic disconnects in ends, ways, and means that the author believes are endemic to large-scale protracted stability and COIN (counterinsurgency) operations against adversaries who do not pose palpable existential threats to the members of an alliance. The article focuses mainly on the period that followed President Barack Obama's December 2009 announcement of a civilian and military “surge” in Afghanistan through the early stages of the ISAF offensive in Marjah, which began in February 2010. The article concludes that the fundamental strategic issue is that the Allies are not willing (or able) to devote enough resources to achieve their stated objectives. No matter how much the “Ways” might be improved, the “Means” are not sufficient to attain the “Ends.” Thus, what is needed is a more realistic understanding of what ISAF can accomplish in Afghanistan and what NATO might be expected to accomplish in future operations.     

Hot corridors, deterrence, and guardianship: An assessment of the Omaha metro safety initiative

The purpose of this research is to describe the Omaha Metro Safety Initiative (OMSI) and assess its deterrent effects. The OMSI, a multi-agency task force, has been carrying out “hot spot” policing practices focused on traffic corridors in high crime areas. The purpose of OMSI operations is to deter crime through a highly visible “guardianship” presence that emphasizes contacts with citizens. Findings showed that a corridor approach was consistent with a “hot spot” policing strategy, in that operations occurred in hi-density crime areas. Nine crime categories were examined to assess the efficacy of 41 operations carried out in 2008. Generally, OMSI revealed a short term deterrent on crime, with the actual deterrent effect associated with the kind of crime assessed. Business crimes tended to show the most consistent operational deterrent effects. Effects also were more consistent in precincts with greater crime density. The paper concludes with recommendations concerning data gathering and operational effectiveness across a multi-agency task force.     

Legitimacy and Deterrence Effects in Counterterrorism Policing: A Study of Muslim Americans

This study considers the circumstances under which members of the Muslim American community voluntarily cooperate with police efforts to combat terrorism. Cooperation is defined to include both a general receptivity toward helping the police in antiterror work and the specific willingness to alert police to terror‐related risks in a community. We compare two perspectives on why people cooperate with law enforcement, both developed with reference to general policing, in the context of antiterror policing and specifically among members of the Muslim American community. The first is instrumental. It suggests that people cooperate because they see tangible benefits that outweigh any costs. The second perspective is normative. It posits that people respond to their belief that police are a legitimate authority. On this view we link legitimacy to the fairness and procedural justice of police behavior. Data from a study involving interviews with Muslim Americans in New York City between March and June 2009 strongly support the normative model by finding that the procedural justice of police activities is the primary factor shaping legitimacy and cooperation with the police.     

Tariffs and economic development: A comment

The optimality criteria of linear programming transportation and spatial equilibrium models never ‘explain ‘ real world flow patterns. This paper provides reasons for the difference between an optimal solution and real world patterns. Data for the linear programming exercises are derived from the four stages of a rice marketing system in Sri Lanka at a time when the state had monopoly control over distribution. The examination of factors more important than transport costs in explaining residual flows sheds some light on policy and institutional problems associated with monopoly procurement.

Substantively, a comparison of the optimal solution with reality shows a fairly high degree of transportation efficiency throughout the system, except at the last stage, where rice changes hands between two parastatal orginisations (the Paddy Marketing Board and the Food Commission) to be distributed to final destinations. Inefficient store locations rather than commodity allocations generate the greatest waste of transport. Reasons for the difference between programming solutions and reality include uncertainty, congestion, policies and institutional structure conducive to a deterioration in quality of the commodity handled, problematic regional preferences for rice type, inadequate communications, unpredictable timing of rice imports and corruption.     

Affordable housing in New Urbanist Communities: A survey of developers

Abstract

Despite the unequivocal goal of income diversity as expressed in the Charter of the Congress for the New Urbanism, one of the more significant challenges facing the movement has been the creation of socially diverse neighborhoods, especially ones that include a mix of incomes. Although recent reports show that most New Urbanist developments are being built for upper‐middle‐class residents, some projects have managed to support income diversity. This article takes a closer look at those projects, reporting on the results of a nationwide survey of New Urbanist developers.

We found that many developers have used complex, creative schemes to make affordable housing possible within the New Urbanist context. Developers created affordable opportunities by combining available government programs, partnerships with nonprofits, and innovative design solutions. These efforts have provided important sources of affordable housing within the context of walkable communities—serving as examples that should be emulated by future developers.     

Glimpses into the Gems of American Intelligence: The President's Daily Brief and the National Intelligence Estimate

The two most prestigious products prepared by the US intelligence agencies for use by decision-makers in Washington, DC, are the President's Daily Brief and the National Intelligence Estimate. The Brief, an example of ‘current intelligence,’ adds value to what policy officials in Washington can learn about world affairs from the best newspapers, especially in the domains of foreign weaponry, activities within closed societies, and the machinations of terrorist organizations. The National Intelligence Estimate, an example of ‘research intelligence,’ has added value, too, on occasion, but has often been wrong. Each of these forms of intelligence has their critics, and the NIE in particular is frequently considered too long a document and too diluted in content. The production of NIEs has varied over the years since 1950, averaging twenty-three a year with a low of five (in 1976) and a high of fifty-six (in 1992).     

American Militarism and Blowback: The Costs of Letting the Pentagon Dominate Foreign Policy

"Blowback" is a CIA term first used in March 1954 in a report on the 1953 operation to overthrow the government of Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran. It is a metaphor for the unintended consequences of covert operations against foreign nations and governments. The suicidal attacks of September 11, 2001, on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon were instances of blowback from American clandestine operations in Afghanistan. They have greatly accelerated tendencies toward militarism in the United States, which is defined as the phenomenon in which a nation's armed services come to put their institutional preservation ahead of effectiveness in achieving national security or a commitment to the integrity of the governmental structure of which they are a part.     

Assessing civil society in Putin’s Russia: The plight of women’s crisis centers

The article assesses civil society in Putin’s Russia through the lens of the small social movement working against gender violence. Based on questionnaires distributed to movement organizations in 2008-2009, we find significant retrenchment among the NGO segment of the movement, adding evidence to the claim of Russia’s turn toward authoritarianism. However, this innovative, midlevel analysis--not the typical society-wide surveys nor the small number participant observation--also shows that the women’s crisis center movement has made some in-roads in transforming the state, revealing that some democratic opportunities remain at the local level.