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91.
In LDCs the level of urban wages tends to induce more people to seek employment in the towns than can be employed at this wage level. The existence of these urban unemployed causes the private costs of migration to diverge from the social costs. The individual rural resident decides to remain or migrate on the basis of perceived private costs of migration. The effect of a decision to migrate on the economy is the social cost of migration. In our study we consider the determinants of different levels of private and social costs associated with different stocks of urban unemployed. In addition, utilising survey data on Nairobi, Kenya, an attempt is made to quantify the major private and social costs of migration to determine whether they diverge significantly. On the basis of these estimates some policy options for limiting urban unemployment caused by urban in‐migration are considered.  相似文献   
92.
The World Bank's 2012 World Development Report calls for gender equality on a global level but falls short on its analysis of conflict-affected contexts. It is critical that we understand the needs of vulnerable populations in these settings. This viewpoint draws on findings from research in health reform in conflict-affected contexts to highlight some opportunities and challenges for addressing gender equality in these settings, using the policy priorities outlined in the World Bank report. Drawing on this analysis we argue that more attention and action should be focused on addressing gender inequalities and inequities in neglected conflict-affected states.  相似文献   
93.
In the context of welfare delivery, hybrid organizations mix public and ‘new’ market, social, and professional types of mechanisms and rationales. This article contributes to our understanding of accountability within hybrid organizations by highlighting how accountability obligations can become hybrid, simultaneously formal and informal. Instead of seeing accountability as hybrid only in the sense of the coexistence of types of organizational mechanisms and structures (i.e., the prevalence of both state and market types), we examine accountability arrangements governing a hybrid model—primary care commissioning in England—and interrogate the relationships between accountability actors and their accountability forums. We conceptualize ‘hybrid accountability obligations’ as a state whereby the nature of obligation underpinning accountability relationships is both formal-informal and vertical-horizontal concurrently. The article concludes by highlighting the consequences of this kind of hybridity, namely how it extended discretion from welfare delivery to the domain of welfare governance.  相似文献   
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Alkaloid extracts from the seeds of Erythroxylum Coca var. Coca grown in the Chapare Valley of Bolivia were subjected to gas and liquid chromatographic-mass spectrometric analyses. Several alkaloids from these seeds were detected and characterized, including methylecgonidine, tropine, 3alpha-acetoxytropane, ecgonine methyl ester, cuscohygrine, N-norbenzoyltropine, benzoyltropine, hexanoylecgonine methyl ester, cocaine, cis-cinnamoylcocaine, and trans-cinnamoylcocaine. Methylecgonidine was determined to be the primary constituent and not an analytical artifact. Additionally, two significant new uncharacterized alkaloids were established as present. Recent evidence suggests that some cocaine processors are adding this seed extraction material to cocaine extracted from coca leaf and may impact cocaine impurity signature profiles.  相似文献   
96.
Scholars have documented the importance of developing gender-responsive services for girls in order to address their unique needs and reasons for entering the juvenile justice system. Although researchers have made progress in efforts to develop gender-responsive services, the research and policy literature does not provide a clear definition of what constitutes a gender-responsive approach. This study examined qualitative interviews with juvenile court staff (N?=?39). Court staff lacked familiarity with gender-responsivity and most used the term interchangeably with gender-specificity. However, multiple court staff expressed a need for programming for girls and more research on the effectiveness of gender-responsive services.  相似文献   
97.
Esther S. Cope: Politics Without Parliaments 1629–1640 (Allen and Unwin, 1987; pp. xiii, 252; ISBN 0 04 941020 2; £22.)

Mark A. Kishlansky: Parliamentary Selection. Social and Political Choice in Early Modern England (Cambridge University Press, 1986; pp. xiii, 258; ISBN 0 521 31116 0; pb. £8.95.)

Hal Draper (ed.): The Marx‐Engels Register: A Complete Bibliography of Marx and Engels’ Individual Writings: Volume II of the Marx/Engels Cyclopedia (New York: Schocken Books, 1985; pp. xxx, 271; £25.50.)

Ingrid Detter De Lupis: International Law and the Independent State (Aldershot, Gower, 2nd edition, 1987; pp. xxvi, 252; 0–566–05140–0; £22.50.)  相似文献   
98.
While Pussy Riot's “Punk Prayer” and its aftermath constituted something of a turning point for Russia politically – as well as personally for the women imprisoned afterwards – it was neither the first nor last of Pussy Riot's endeavors. Among other things, their series of songs, published as video clips on the web, endorsed mass protest against the Putin regime, criticized state-sponsored homophobia, and praised feminism as a possible curative for Russia's many ills. In setting forth their ideas, however, Pussy Riot's lyricists made use of traditional masculine and feminine gender norms as well as homophobia, wielding these against their opponents in the regime and thereby reinforcing them in ways that other self-identified Russian feminists found problematic at best.

In this article, I review Pussy Riot's collection of songs in chronological order, highlighting the areas where gender norms and apparent misogyny, sexism, and homophobia appear. I weave my explications of the content of Pussy Riot's productions in with the responses of Russian feminist activists to Pussy Riot's lyrics and actions. Taking into account the views of some non-feminist Russian commentators in addition to self-identified feminist activists, I discuss a range of evaluations of the content of Pussy Riot's compositions, as well as differing appraisals of the means that Pussy Riot employed to achieve what they viewed as feminist ends: undermining or even unseating the Putin regime.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

This article has two purposes: first, to take seriously the notion of strategic planning as a way of knowing, and second, to argue that actor-network theory provides a particularly apposite method for understanding whether and how strategic planning works in particular circumstances. Pursuit of these purposes also helps illuminate possible contributions of strategic planning to inclusive, participative, and democratic public management. The paper is illustrated with examples from the 1995 and 2007 strategic planning and subsequent implementation efforts of MetroGIS, an organization created to foster widespread sharing of geospatial information primarily among public organizatons serving the Twin Cities metropolitan area of Minnesota, USA, and further, to enhance their individual and collective effectiveness. The Metropolitan Council, the regional government, is the primary sponsor of MetroGIS, which is comprised of over 300 organizational partners across the region. Conclusions are offered about the importance of viewing and studying strategic planning as a way of knowing and as a potential vehicle for inclusive public management in a democratic society.

[A table featuring a complete timeline of the major MetroGIS accomplishments between 1995 and 2008; the controversies, participants, processes, technologies, and artifacts involved; and the outcomes or major consequences resulting from the accomplishment is included as an online supplement on the publisher's website.]  相似文献   
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