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Marloes P. A. Van Dijk Susan Branje Loes Keijsers Skyler T. Hawk William W. Hale III Wim Meeus 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(11):1861-1876
Higher self-concept clarity is related to several adjustment indices and may be promoted by open communication with parents, while problems with self-concept clarity development could enhance internalizing problems (i.e., depressive and anxiety symptoms) in adolescence. This longitudinal study examined linkages between self-concept clarity, adolescents’ open communication with parents, and adolescent depressive and anxiety symptoms. Dutch youths (N = 323; 51.1 % girls; mean age Time 1 = 13.3 years) reported on these constructs over four consecutive annual measurements. Concurrent positive links between open communication and self-concept clarity were found at Time 1. Over time, higher levels of open communication with parents predicted higher self-concept clarity only in middle adolescence (mean age between 14 and 15 years). We also found concurrent associations between self-concept clarity and both depressive and anxiety symptoms. Longitudinally, lower self-concept clarity predicted relatively higher levels of depressive symptoms across all waves, and also higher anxiety levels from Time 1 to Time 2. Conversely, higher levels of anxiety also predicted lower levels of self-concept clarity during the first three waves. Self-concept clarity did not mediate the longitudinal associations between open communication and internalizing symptoms. This study is one of the first to investigate self-concept clarity across adolescence. It highlights the possible importance of both anxiety symptoms and communication with parents in understanding the development of a clear self-concept, and demonstrates an association between lower self-concept clarity and higher levels of later depressive and anxiety symptoms. 相似文献
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Brandon Van Dyck 《拉美政治与社会》2014,56(2):1-26
Does party organization still matter? Much of the party literature suggests that politicians, who can use substitutes like mass media to win votes, lack incentives to invest in party organization. Yet it remains an electoral asset, especially at lower levels of government. Evidence from Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) indicates that party elites invest in organization when they prioritize lower‐level elections and that this investment delivers electoral returns. In the mid‐2000s, the PT strengthened its support across levels of government in the conservative, clientelistic Northeast. Drawing from underutilized data on party offices, this article shows that organizational expansion contributed substantially to the PT's electoral advances in the Northeast. While President Lula da Silva's (PT) 2006 electoral spike in the Northeast resulted from expanded conditional cash transfers, the PT's improvement at lower levels followed from top‐down organization building. The PT national leadership deliberately expanded the party's local infrastructure to deliver electoral gains. 相似文献
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Peter Van Ness 《当代中国》2000,9(23):127-139
This teaching note has two objectives: first, to describe a particular type of teaching method and its special benefits; and second, to provide a substantive example of the kind of intellectual insights (in this case, understandings of Chinese national security) that can be achieved by using this method. The teaching situation described was an introductory graduate seminar on Chinese foreign policy, taught at the Graduate School of International Studies at the University of Denver in 1998. Critical comments on either the teaching method or the substantive arguments presented here would be welcome at pvan@coombs.anu.edu.au. 相似文献
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Conference on Business Crime, Fraud and Corruption England, March/April 1991 Preliminary Call for Papers 相似文献
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