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161.
The current study used a person-oriented approach to examine the participation of adolescents in both constructive, organized activities as well as relaxed leisure activities. The goal of this research was to identify different profiles of involvement in activities and the relations to psychosocial indicators for these differing groups. Activity profiles were created using cluster analytic techniques for 918 adolescents' responses in 11 activity domains. The groups were found to be both statistically and substantively unique and consistent with findings from previous research. Further, the groups showed meaningful and consistent differences across a range of psychosocial indicators, including academic performance, problem behavior, and mental health. Results indicated that adolescents' activity involvement was related to their psychological and behavioral functioning and that the profiles of participation across activity settings provide a more holistic view of teens' choices than do single variable models. 相似文献
162.
Anthony W. Pereira 《Human Rights Review》2003,4(3):3-16
Recent judicial reforms after democratic transition have been substantial and relatively successful in Chile, but much less
so in Argentina and Brazil. This article traces this variation in outcomes to the legal strategies of the prior authoritarian
regimes. The Brazilian military regime of 1964–1985 was gradualist in its approach to the law, and had a high degree of civilian-military
consensus in the legal sphere. It was not highly repressive in its deployment of lethal violence, and this combination of
factors contributed to a gradualist and consensual transition in which judicial reform was not placed high on the political
agenda. The Argentine case of military rule between 1976 and 1983 was almost the opposite. The military sidestepped and even
attacked the judiciary, engaging in almost entirely extrajudicial violence. This generated a “backlash” reform movement after
the transition to democracy that was mostly retrospective and only partially successful. In Chile, in contrast, the military
engineered a radical break with previous legality, engaged in violent repression, but made considerable efforts to reconstruct
a judicial order. It was in the aftermath of this situation that reformers were able to push through a prospective and relatively
successful judicial reform. This article's findings suggest that judicial reform may be more likely to succeed where the prior
authoritarian regime was both repressive and legalistic, as in Chile, Poland, and South Africa, than where high degrees of
repression were applied largely extrajudicially, as in Argentina, Cambodia, and Guatemala, or where the authoritarian regime
was legalistic but not highly repressive, as in Brazil, Mexico, and the Philippines. 相似文献
163.
Eric W. Welch 《Public administration review》2003,63(3):375-378
Books reviewed in this article:
Lawrence S. Rothenberg, Environmental Choices: Policy Responses to Green Demands
David M. Driesen, The Economic Dynamics of Environmental Law 相似文献
Lawrence S. Rothenberg, Environmental Choices: Policy Responses to Green Demands
David M. Driesen, The Economic Dynamics of Environmental Law 相似文献
164.
Competing spatial models of voter choiceare compared in the context ofparliamentary representatives selectedthrough single-member district, pluralityelections where party platforms areemphasized over individual candidates.Respondents of the 1987, 1992, and 1997British general election surveys ratepolitical parties on a series of issuescales. Ordered logistic regressions ofparty evaluations under proximity,directional, and mixed models reveal thatthe classic spatial model and thedirectional model perform equally well.Differences center on perceptions of thestatus quo, as voters appear to evaluatethe incumbent party (here, theConservatives) slightly differently thanminority parties (Labour and the LiberalDemocrats). The proximity model worksbetter for voter evaluations of governingparties while the directional model workswell for opposition parties. 相似文献
165.
Christian W. Martin 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(1):32-54
This paper investigates into the political determinants of trade policy regulation in developing countries. When choosing between the trade policy instruments tariffs and quota governments consider the effects of these policies on their political support from interest groups and voters. It is argued that quantitative restrictions become increasingly less attractive as a country democratizes. Instead, motives of revenue generation gain importance. Therefore, the likelihood of democratic governments choosing quota is smaller than for their autocratic counterparts. Empirical tests based on a sample of 75 developing countries for the years 1979–1998 support the hypothesis. 相似文献
166.
Oscar W. Gabriel 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(4):477-478
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168.
The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity ReconciliationAct of 1996 (PRWORA) generated renewed interest in welfare racesto the bottom as states received greater discretion over eligibilitystandards for new residents. Despite U.S. Supreme Court decisionsfinding welfare-residency requirements unconstitutional andmounting empirical evidence that welfare benefits do not attractpoor migrants, state policymakers have enacted welfare-reformplans that treat newcomers differently as authorized in PRWORA.This article reviews the existing research on welfare migration,current state-residency requirements, and central constitutionalissues surrounding such requirements. With the likelihood thatcourts will have the final word on the current round of statewelfare-residency requirements, it is essential that empiricalresearch on welfare magnets examine the issues central to thecases currently moving through the judicial system. 相似文献
169.
170.