从澳大利亚“警察管理发展培训项目”引发的对高级警官培训方式的思考

澳大利亚"警察管理发展培训项目"是培训、选拔高级警官的一项专门培训。分析该项目的实施过程,我们可以在教学设计、组织形式、教官选择和学员管理等方面吸收借鉴其成功的做法,不断加以改进,完善我们现有的培训方式,提高培训的效率和质量。     

数码相片和传统相片的比较研究

视听资料作为《刑事诉讼法》和《民事诉讼法》所规定的七种证据形式中的一种,而数字图像又是视听资料的一类,在办案和诉讼活动中起着举足轻重的作用。本文主要就数码相片与传统相片的本质区别及其相关问题进行了比较研究。     

Globalization and institutional competitiveness

Only dead institutions do not change and only rarely do institutions change by themselves. To maintain performing institutions takes institutional entrepreneurs who are willing to take risks and who possess the capacity and the talent to innovate. A regulation discourse, in contrast to a marketization discourse, would not picture the relationship between globalization and institutional change as a deterministic one. Rather, it would expect that all kinds of actors play a large number of different roles in the course of ongoing institutional change. The result of such complex institutional change, at the level of welfare states, multinational businesses, public administration, and training systems, to mention just a few of the empirical areas covered in this special issue, cannot be fully understood by applying an overly rigid, static, and dualistic approach to modern capitalist economies. The concept of institutional competitiveness, on the contrary, allows for institutional entrepreneurship and institutional hybrids constituting pulsating polities.     

贵州少数民族文化资源开发的思考

本文通过对贵州民族文化资源现状及旅游开发中存在的问题的阐述,提出了贵州旅游开发应更多地注入民族文化的内涵,同时在开发中强调对整个文化生态环境的保护。     

Economic performance and political mobility: Chinese provincial leaders

Chinese provincial leaders, unlike their counterparts in a democratic system, are not elected but selected. Hence the criteria by which the center uses to select and retain provincial leaders would be critical for the political mobility of provincial leaders. As China has been a developmental state since 1949, it is not unreasonable to expect that the center would retain or promote or demote provincial leaders according to the economic performance of their provinces. To test the hypothesis, I conducted multinomial regressions with a data set of Chinese provincial leaders between 1949 and 1994 in thirty provincial units. As the results show, the political mobility of provincial leaders is determined not only by the political movements of the PRC but also by the economic performance of the provincial leaders. The worse the economic performance record the more likely the provincial leader will be demoted. Moreover, the revenue contributions of the province during the provincial leader's tenure are also a determinant of the political mobility of the provincial leader.     

No Values—New Values? Youth and Postmaterialism1

This article deals with the postmatenalist hypothesis, originally formulated by Ronald Inglehart The hypothesis, stating that new generations in Western societies are moving more and more towards postmatenalist value orientations, is questioned on the grounds that the materialisl / postmaterialist dichotomy may he too rigid to capture the complexity of people's value orientations, and that the value conceptualization may hold a rather limited relevance for young people in present-day Western societies. A reconstruction of the materialist / postmaterialist value conceptualization is earned out and empirical results from two Swedish national studies, supporting the author's questioning of the original hypothesis, are presented.     

凯旋时分——第五次赴朝慰问团东线分团慰问活动侧记

从朝鲜战争开始到$&'(年,中央人民政府先后组织五次大型赴朝慰问团。$&'(年初,在第五次,也是最后一次赴朝慰问活动中,我作为团省委办公室主任,非常荣幸地成为辽宁省唯一的代表参加了慰问团。$&'"年,我在中央团校学习期间,响应党组织号召,报名参加了志愿军,先被分配到志愿军后勤汽车营,后来到驻扎在沈阳的东北空军司令部作战处任参谋,具体负责东北各机场的警卫工作。$&')年初,朝鲜停战,当年在中央团校参军的东北地区的青年干部全部留在东北,我也告别了朝夕相处的空军战友,来到地方工作。作为一名志愿军战士,我未能亲临前线作…     

构建中央与地方合理分权体制

进入新世纪,完善社会主义市场经济体制、积极推进民主政治建设和全面建设小康社会,迫切需要进一步调整中央与地方关系,构建中央与地方合理分权体制,即在横向合理分权的基础上,依法明确划分中央与地方的职责权限,非依法不得随意变更和调整。     

从黑格尔到马克思:世界历史理论的发展与嬗变

通过对黑格尔和马克思世界历史理论的分析、考察和比较,可以发现黑格尔的世界历史理论对马克思产生了很大的影响。马克思继承了黑格尔世界历史理论的合理内核,但同时,马克思依据近代资本主义的历史现实,站在无产阶级的立场,在唯物史观的基础上对黑格尔的世界历史理论进行了革命性的变革,赋予世界历史理论以新的内容,从而使世界历史理论第一次真正变成了科学。     

Sweden: The Fall of the Strong State

From the 1930s to the 1980s, Swedish politics was based on the assumption that social change could be accomplished through a specific political and administrative process. National politicians decided the aims of policy, government commissions of inquiry engaged experts who compiled available knowledge, Parliament turned the resulting proposal into law, a civil service agency implemented the policy and local authorities put it into effect. This rationalistic model of social steering can be called 'the strong state'. This article documents the fall of the strong state. It also argues that these changes to the output side of government have troubling im-plications for the operation of democracy. The reason is that the strong state model provided citizens with a reasonably clear idea of how public policies were – or should be – produced and implemented. As a result of the strong state's decline, the link from elections to policy is partly obscure, partly broken. The question for the future is whether the strong state will be replaced by some new model that provides the necessary focal points for debates on public policy, or whether stable norms will remain absent due to an inherently obscure division of labour within Sweden's policy-making and administrative structures.