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81.
Wade M. Cole 《Journal of Human Rights》2018,17(2):147-162
Democracy is generally beneficial for human rights whereas coercive capacity increases government repression. Using data for 161 countries between 1975 and 2010, I consider how different aspects of democracy interact with the size and scope of a country's military apparatus to shape respect for bodily-integrity rights. Does democracy ameliorate the negative effects of coercive capacity? Or, does a strong military overpower the positive impact of democracy? Multivariate analyses suggest that high levels of democracy neutralize the effect of coercive capacity on bodily-integrity violations. At the same time, high levels of coercive capacity increase human rights abuses even in the most democratic regimes, at least when different aspects of democracy—executive constraints, competitive elections, and media freedom—are evaluated in isolation. Regimes that combine respect for media freedom with constraints on executive authority or competitive elections are able to harness coercive capacity for protective purposes. 相似文献
82.
This article explores associations between participation and party voting and a number of socio-economic variables observed at the voivodship level in Poland's 1993 Sejm elections. It further identifies similarities and differences between the impact of those factors in the 1991 and 1993 elections. The regression estimates indicate that 1993 was not a “reproduction” of 1991. In the most recent election, increases in voting participation accounted for the great upsurge in support for parties of the left, while socio-economic factors were of lesser significance. Moreover, a geographical political cleavage, not previously identified in other voting studies, had an important influence on both participation and party voting. 相似文献
83.
Wade Jacoby Gabriel Lataianu Camelia Manuela Lataianu 《The Review of International Organizations》2009,4(2):111-133
This paper analyzes the influence of the European Union (EU) through a qualitative case study of child protection policy in
Romania. This is a particularly tough case for the growing “Europeanization” literature. Prior research has called attention
to several factors that promote Europeanization, including the presence of a pro-reform domestic coalition, the clarity and
consistency of the EU’s own legislative targets, a state’s own prior involvement in the setting of European standards, a strong
consensus among EU member states backing the European position, and strong non-European support for EU initiatives. According
to these propositions, Romanian child protection seemed to provide a worst case scenario for Europeanization, as initially
none of these conditions held. And yet the paper shows that substantial Europeanization occurred anyway. We argue that the
EU experienced a very slow start with Romania but that it cultivated an opposition that responded to EU initiatives when that
opposition took power. Moreover, the EU found three “workarounds” to the obstacles just noted: it asserted legislative targets
it did not possess itself, invented new policy tools, and drew protection for its most controversial policy from another international
organization, the ECHR. Our central theoretical claim is that external pressure requires internal accommodation in order to
have lasting effects. The claim has important implications for the diffusion and conditionality debates.
相似文献
Camelia Manuela LataianuEmail: |
84.
John Wade 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(2):171-179
This article describes three types of negotiation courses and asks what range of goals is usually achieved in such courses from the overlapping perspectives of organizers, teachers, and participants. It then translates Benjamin Bloom's categories of educational goals into aspirational goals for any negotiation course. 相似文献
85.
86.
Marianne Wade Marcelo Aebi Bruno Aubusson de Cavarlay Marc Balcells Gwladys Gilliéron Hakan Hakeri Martin Killias Christopher Lewis Erika Roth Paul Smit Piotr Sobota Ksenija Turkovic Josef Zila 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2008,14(2-3):101-122
This article provides an overview of the various forms of proceedings available within 11 European criminal justice systems and reflects upon their core features. It also provides a picture of how far alternative, non-criminal proceedings are used by some of the systems as a different path to imposing a state reaction upon wrong-doers. 相似文献
87.
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89.
The extent to which levels and trends in local unemployment and income influenced the Conservative vote in 633 separate British constituency elections in 1983 is estimated in several regression models. Long-term influences on voting are controlled by the endogenous variables of social class and territoriality. It is argued that this research design is superior to previous ones that have treated general elections as national elections in exploring the economic theory of voting. Sensitivity analysis (the use of several models to illuminate the research problem posed) suggests that, unlike America congressional elections, current rates and trends in local unemployment and income exerted a substantial and systematic influence on constituency voting. 相似文献
90.