State prison expansion: An explanatory model

This article, through development of an explanatory model called the process model, attempts to account for differences among states in levels of prison expansion. The model recognizes the importance of the tie between prisoner population and prison growth but considers additional factors which mediate this relationship. Given increases in prisoner populations, the model posits that the extent of prison construction is determined by three broad classes of factors: accelarators, which increase the probability of construction, and buffers and inhibitors, which decrease the probability. First, the rudiments of the process model are sketched and the accelerator, buffer, and inhibitor variables are described. Next, the process model is developed more fully through an examination of prison expansion in ten example states. Finally, the implications of the model are explored.     

The Usage of the AMA <Emphasis Type="Italic">Guides</Emphasis> for the Determination of Psychological Injury Within the State and Federal Workers’ Compensation Systems

Psychological injuries, like physical injuries, may occur within the workplace. If those injuries are reported to be a result of a triggering event in the workplace, then a workers’ compensation (WC) claim may be filed by the individual. State WC and the federal WC systems have laws and rules in place to address workplace psychological injury claims. However, because each State has its own WC State laws as does the federal WC system, there is no current standardization in defining either psychological injury or in defining disability. This is because each system has its own definitions. A few States allow workplace psychological injury claims. Some States do not accept WC psychological injury claims. The remaining States recognize workplace psychological injuries but with specific limitations. The federal WC system allows WC psychological injury claims. There are problematic issues that occur in the State and federal WC systems. These issues are utilizing outdated terminology, employing outdated diagnostic criteria, and allowing documentation submission and professional opinion that does not comport with current professional standards of care. In addition, the need for a definitive answer to address causation is not always possible to address with regard to psychological injury. These types of issues introduce imprecision into the determination of psychological injuries. To address these concerns, the American Medical Association developed the Guides to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment as a means to take a more scientific approach to the assessment of impairment. This stance was a move away from the poorly defined term, “disability”. The focus was on evaluating the individual’s functioning in terms of impairment. The AMA holds that this is a more objective method that provides a balance between clinical opinion and the utilization of a more scientific methodology that increased precision in the determination of psychological injury and purported impairment in functioning that may have resulted from the injury. The American Medical Association’s Guides to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment are utilized by many States and the federal WC systems to assist in the evaluation of psychological impairment in functioning and in the WC claims process. Some States opt to use earlier editions of the Guides. Other States and the federal WC system require the usage of the most current edition of the Guides. A few States opt to forego the usage of the Guides altogether and develop State-specific guidelines. The complexities that arise within the WC systems as well as usage of the Guides to evaluate and assess psychological injury are explored as well as potential solutions to address the imprecision that occurs within the WC systems.     

Patterns of prior offending by child abductors: A comparison of fatal and non-fatal outcomes

Our study examines the prior offending of 750 individuals who are known to be responsible for the abduction of a child under the age of 18 years. The first group comprised of 311 offenders (42%) who had abducted a child that was later located alive (found alive, referred to as FA). The second group was comprised of 439 offenders (58%) who had abducted a child that was either found murdered or was still missing and presumed dead (found murdered, referred to as FM). While males perpetrated the majority of the abductions, women perpetrated 31 (10%) of the offenses in the FA group and 10 (2%) of the offenses in the FM group. The average number of prior offenses as reflected in the NCIC criminal history of each offender was seven with these occurring over an average of 12 years. Seventy-five percent of the offenders had prior arrests for an assortment of different crimes while 25% had no known criminal history, a finding that was consistent across both the FA and FM groups. Of those with a criminal history, 41% had been arrested for assault, 40% for larceny, 35% for burglary/breaking and entering, 33% for forcible sex offenses, 25% for drug/narcotic offenses, 21% for weapons law violations, 17% for motor vehicle thefts, 15% for robbery, and 14% for kidnapping. Our findings are congruent with the theme of criminal diversity among child abductors and argue against the specificity in offending that is often assumed with this type of sexual offender. This information is relevant to our understanding of the progression in criminal offending that is manifested by offenders who abduct children and will hopefully be used by law enforcement in helping to direct and focus their investigations.     

The Role of Forms of Traumatic Exposure in Relational and Physical Aggression Perpetrated by Incarcerated Men and Women

The relationship between history of trauma and violence is well studied. However, the relationship between trauma and relational aggression is not. And yet relational aggression is of considerable relevance to the criminal justice system. This study was designed to extend the literature on trauma and violence by including a measure of relational aggression and testing for sex differences. The sample was comprised of incarcerated men (N = 125) and women (N = 141). Data were collected from inmate interviews and inmate completion of a battery of instruments. Regression analyses revealed that of three types of trauma, only a history of interpersonal nonsexual trauma predicted the perpetration of both relational aggression and physical aggression while incarcerated, although no sex differences emerged. Results provide guidance for intervention efforts.