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161.
Richard M. Lerner Alexander von Eye Jacqueline V. Lerner Selva Lewin-Bizan Edmond P. Bowers 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2010,39(7):707-719
We introduce this special issue on the foundations and functions of adolescent thriving by summarizing the developmental systems
theory-based, positive youth development (PYD) perspective. The PYD perspective frames much of contemporary research about
health and positive development across the adolescent period and, more specifically, frames the 4-H Study of PYD, the data
set from which the empirical work in this special issue is drawn. We discuss the different ways in which the articles in this
special issue elucidate different facets of the PYD perspective. In addition, we summarize the implications of this research
for future scholarship and for applications aimed at improving the life chances of diverse adolescents. 相似文献
162.
Political Behavior - The article Taxing Higher Incomes: What Makes the High-Income Earners Consent to More Progressive Taxation in Latin America?, written by Sarah Berens and Armin von Schiller,... 相似文献
163.
Arjan H. Schakel Chanchal Kumar Sharma Wilfried Swenden 《Regional & Federal Studies》2019,29(3):329-354
ABSTRACTThis article critically assesses claims that India has entered a new party system after the 2014 general elections, marked by renationalisation with the BJP as the new ‘dominant’ party.’ To assess these claims, we examine the electoral rise of the BJP in the build-up to and since the 2014 general elections until the state assembly elections in December 2018. Overall, we argue that despite the emerging dominance of the BJP, a core feature of the third party system -a system of binodal interactions- has remained largely intact albeit in a somewhat weaker form. Furthermore, by comparing the post 2014 Indian party system with key electoral features of the first three party systems, we conclude that the rise of the BJP has thrown the third-party system into crisis, but does not yet define the consolidation of a new party system. 相似文献
164.
Natur und Recht - Aus den unionalen Verträgen folgt eine allgemeine Pflicht zu einem dem Nachhaltigkeitsprinzip verpflichteten und damit integrativen Handeln. Das richtet sich auch an die... 相似文献
165.
166.
Tobias von Lossow 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2016,51(3):82-99
The so-called Islamic State (IS) has increasingly used water as a weapon in order to further its political and military aims in Syria and Iraq. In this water-scarce region, IS has retained water and cut off crucial supplies, flooded large areas as well as contaminated resources. The capture of large dams in the Euphrates and Tigris basin has made it possible to deploy the water weapon even more effectively and in a frequent, systematic, consistent and flexible manner. Measures to counter this weaponisation effectively have been limited to military means. However, several internal constraints create a dilemma for IS as its state-building ambitions conflict with the consequences of the weaponisation of water. The rebirth of using the water weapon in Syria and Iraq raises questions about protecting water infrastructures in conflict and post-conflict settings. 相似文献
167.
Klaus von Lampe 《Trends in Organized Crime》2017,20(3-4):395-405
168.
Inken von Borzyskowski 《The Review of International Organizations》2016,11(2):247-282
Why are some developing countries less open to technical election assistance than to election observation? My argument about who seeks and receives technical election assistance is two-fold, taking into account the incentives of recipients and providers. On the recipient side, governments are less likely to request technical assistance when the political costs are high (autocracy) or the benefits low (strong electoral institutions). On the provider side, international organizations are less likely to provide such technical assistance when the government appears to lack political will for reform and full project implementation is unlikely. Statistical analyses of global data on technical election assistance by the United Nations covering 130 countries from 1990 to 2003 support this argument about political cost-benefit calculations in considering technical assistance. Case examples from Guyana, Indonesia, Haiti, and Venezuela illustrate some of these dynamics. My findings suggest that seemingly complementary international interventions (observation and technical support) can create different incentives for domestic and international actors. This helps explain why some countries tend to agree more often to election observation than to technical election assistance. 相似文献
169.
Klaus von Lampe 《Trends in Organized Crime》2012,15(4):348-350
170.
Stéfanie von Hlatky 《European Security》2014,23(1):1-14
This article discusses the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) debate regarding American nonstrategic nuclear weapons (NSNW) in Europe, given the broad spectrum of views on nuclear issues when comparing individual member states. What is striking is the gap between public attitudes – which are broadly hostile to keeping NSNW in Europe – and elite opinion, which privileges the maintenance of NATO commitments to preserve alliance cohesion. To better understand this tension, this article dissects the elements of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe, addressing the difficulties associated with current nuclear-sharing arrangements. For some NATO states, the alliance's nuclear weapons are a political liability, since nuclear sharing clashes with international disarmament and nonproliferation commitments. For other NATO members, maintaining the status quo is preferable, as long as there is no alliance-wide consensus on the question of NSNW. These debates have been put to rest, for now, with NATO's Deterrence and Defense Posture Review, which reaffirmed the purpose of the alliance's nuclear weapons. However, these divisive debates point to more fundamental issues in alliance management, namely the credibility of American commitments, the sustainability of extended nuclear deterrence in Europe and the inevitable political tensions these questions provoke at the domestic level for NATO allies. 相似文献