The European community software directive: The United Kingdom implementation

Conclusion The Regulations appear to have reinforced the protection available to software producers under United Kingdom law. The provisions of the Software Directive and the Regulations are complex and not without significant inconsistencies which are likely to prove to be a source of litigation. The drafters of the Regulations chose, unlike many of its European partners, not to adopt the wording of the Software Directive but to write their own interpretation, adding an element of uncertainty to the law in this area, which is perhaps inevitable bearing in mind the linguistic problems of translating and interpreting any directive coupled with the ambiguity and omission of definitions of several key terms. More important, however, than any academic argument will be the practical impact of the new law and its effectiveness in achieving its aim.     

Americans and their sexual partners

Andrew M. Greeley is a priest, sociologist, novelist, and journalist. His scholarly writings concentrate on religion and ethnicity. His other writings range from critiques of the Catholic church to best-selling novels.     

Symposium: Policy analysis for congress. Policy analysis for congress: Lengthening the time horizon

Policy analysis for the Congress is a timely subject. Several policy initiatives have emerged recently from the “first branch.” Others have demonstrated an independent capacity for analysis that is impressive by historical standards. This article introduces a practitioner symposium of three related works on policy analysis for Congress, with appropriate commentary by a distinguished veteran. It argues that because timing is crucial in the congressional policy process, anticipation and advance preparation are central to the effective use of analysis. The other articles illustrate the stages of advance preparation—of the policy analyst, the congressional environment, and the Member for voting—in the form of case studies.     

Evaluation of a computer-assisted monitoring (CAMO) project: Some measurement issues

This article investigates the effect of Computer Assisted Monitoring of Offenders (CAMO) on probation outcome. In a comparison sample, the effect of CAMO treatment is compared to the effect of “regular” probation. In addition to testing the effects of CAMO as an intermediate treatment, methodological issues, such as level of probation restrictiveness and the effects of prior criminal involvement on probation outcome, are tested. Although the results are mixed, they indicate that level of probation restrictiveness and prior criminal involvement have a greater effect on probation outcome than does CAMO. These findings have ramifications for researchers comparing CAMO probationers to “regular” probationers and for those comparing different CAMO programs. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Western Social Science Association’s 1992 annual conference.     

On the politics of traditional rulership

Conclusion We have in this paper tried to set out a framework which can facilitate analysis of the current and future situation of traditional rulership in contemporary African society. Our presentation of a proposed model for such an analysis is no doubt still in its elementary stages of formation. Much more work needs to be done. Nevertheless, our analysis has revealed certain salient elements and uncovered certain unresolved issues. If traditional rulers genuinely care about their own future they will have to devise techniques of legitimation which not only endear them to the government and the non-traditional elites, but also, and more importantly, to the mass of the people. True, the original role of the traditional rulers may be no more; still, it may be possible to salvage what is left.     

Threatening and otherwise inappropriate letters to members of the United States Congress

The authors examine the characteristics of threatening and otherwise inappropriate communications sent to members of the U.S. Congress by a sample of 86 subjects, 20 of whom threatened assassination. We quote excerpts from these letters and provide quantitative data on such variables as the volume, duration, form, and appearance of such communications; the enclosures; the subjects' perceived relationships to the recipients; the thematic content of the communications; and the messages and threats communicated. Comparisons between 43 subjects who pursued encounters with members of Congress and 43 who did not revealed 17 factors associated with such pursuit. In this population, threateners were significantly less likely to pursue an encounter than inappropriate letter writers who did not threaten, regardless of the type of threat or the harm threatened. Inappropriate letters to members of Congress are compared with those directed to Hollywood celebrities. Mentally disordered persons writing to public figures often mention and sometimes threaten public figures other than those to whom the letters are addressed, which raises important issues regarding notification of endangered third parties and the sharing of information among protective agencies.     

Back to the future of ‘one logic or two’?: forward to the past of ‘anarchy versus racist hierarchy’?

This article argues that while the attempt by Alex Callinicos to construct a non-reductionist approach for theorizing the international is brave, it falls short of the target due, in part, to the failure to look in the right place for a non-reductionist Marxism. In taking us ‘back to the future’ of the debate on ‘one logic or two?’ (‘economics’ or ‘geopolitics and economics’), the quest can at best result only in the construction of a thin materialist reductionism. This article develops an approach that takes norms and (racist) identity seriously—one that simultaneously reconfigures our conception of the international as a hierarchy rather than as a pure anarchy, thereby prompting a reconsideration of Callinicos's commitment to a neorealist anarchic conception of the international. This article closes by suggesting that the Eurocentrism of much Marxist International Relations scholarship obscures the role of non-Western resistance in the making of global politics.