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V. V. Murray C. J. McMillan 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1983,26(4):591-609
Abstract: This paper attempts to bring some order to the large and complex body of work that analyses the state of contemporary business-government relations in Canadian society. A conceptual framework is proposed which differentiates between the substantive content of business-government interdependence (laws, policies, programs) and the relationship itself in terms of the congruence of values and the power balance over time. It also distinguishes between two broad levels of analysis, that which sees the relationship as shaped solely by the larger societal context in which it exists; and a “micro” level which tends to take the societal context as given and focus on various aspects of the structure and process in the relationship between business leaders, politicians, senior civil servants and other organized interest groups. A number of schools of thought are identified by means of this conceptual framework and their basic ideas compared and contrasted. Sommaire: Le propos de cet article est dordonner quelque peu la masse, importante et complexe, des etudes analysant les relations qui existent entre les gouvernements et le monde des affaires dans la société canadienne contemporaine. L'auteur nous propose un cadre théorique établi sur une distinction entre, dune part, les aspects organiques de l'interdépendance entre le gouvernement et le monde des daires (legislation, politiques, programmes) et, d‘ autre part, les relations elles-mêmes, considérées du point de vue de la congruence des valeurs et de l’équilibre diachronique des pouvoirs. L'auteur distingue aussi entre deux niveaux danalyse: un premier niveau, qui conçoit les relations comme entièrement modelées par le macro-contexte de la société dans laquelle elle existe; et un micro-niveau, où le contexte social est tenu pour acquis et où le centre de l'analyse est constitué par les différents aspects de la structure et du processus de relation entre les chefs dentreprise, les politiciens, les hauts fonctionnaires et d‘ autres groupes dintérêts. Ce cadre théorique permet finalement l'identification de plusieurs “écoles de pensée”, de même que la com-paraison et la mise en contraste de leurs idées de base. 相似文献
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Adrian Williamson 《Women's history review》2020,29(3):495-519
ABSTRACTProvocation was an important common law doctrine, separating murder from manslaughter: a matter of life and death. It was particularly significant in the context of ‘domestic violence’. This article examines the doctrine as a lens through which to view gender relations in the long twentieth century. The doctrine developed from its origins in the early modern period until mid-twentieth century. Throughout this lengthy period provocation was narrowly confined for both genders. However, case law developments in mid-twentieth century gave rise to a doctrine which was unforgiving for abused women. At about the same time, statutory and case law changes produced a much broader partial defence of provocation available to men who had killed their wives. It was not until the very end of the century, and the beginning of the twenty-first century, that a more gender-neutral concept of provocation began to emerge as a result of feminist campaigning. 相似文献
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Piers R. Williamson 《Japan Forum》2015,27(4):498-518
Given popular concerns about nuclear accidents in the wake of the Fukushima disaster, the Japanese state shut down the last of its fifty-four reactors for inspections on 5 May 2012, the first time the country had been without nuclear energy since May 1970. However, on 8 June 2012, in a nationwide address, Prime Minister Noda Yoshihiko justified a resumption of nuclear power generation at the Oi nuclear plant in Oimachi, Fukui Prefecture. This article examines Noda's speech as an example of ‘risk recalibration’. The first section outlines the underlying theoretical assumptions, while the second section provides the context behind the speech. This involved the input of political, economic and social actors as they vied for policy influence. The third section then analyses the risk rationality used in the speech itself. The argument is that while the speech is an important example of risk rationality operating through discourse as a medium of power, the overall ‘recalibration’ runs contrary to what recent studies have shown in other areas. In short, it is held that the speech follows a more traditional paternalistic logic of centralized risk management rather than a neoliberal logic of ‘individual responsibility’. 相似文献
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Murray Weidenbaum 《East Asia》1996,15(4):65-72
As we begin to think about the twenty-first century, we are entering a time of fundamental global change. the most dramatic shift will be the movement of China to the status of great power. Yet, the only specific forecast for the future of China that we can make with confidence is that a straight-line extrapolation is most unlikely to occur. China will not continue to grow at double digit rates for the coming decade. Nor is the rest of Southeast Asia going to grow at the 8 percent that has been registered for the past decade and more. Nor is everything going to go smoothly. 相似文献
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On Posthegemony 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Jon Beasley–Murray 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2003,22(1):117-125