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171.
Past research suggests that attitudes towards severity of punishment are affected by crime‐specific factors. The impact of such factors has usually been investigated by between‐subjects designs. The studies reported in this paper, however, are based on within‐subjects designs, using conjoint analysis for data collection and analysis. Study 1 employs a rape scenario for investigating the impact of the victim–offender relationship and of two victim characteristics – provocative behavior and intoxication. Study 2 uses a theft and an assault scenario for analyzing the influence of several offender and crime characteristics on sanctioning: offender's age, readiness to confess, previous convictions, and severity of the offense. Results from both studies are reported and discussed in terms of utility values. These values represent the importance placed on the case characteristics focused upon. In addition to the general evaluation of case characteristics, inter‐individual differences are analyzed by means of hierarchical cluster analysis. Advantages of the conjoint analytic approach over conventional research methods on sanctioning behavior are discussed. 相似文献
172.
The Austrian party system has entered a new phase since the controversial ÖVP-FPÖ coalition came into office in February 2000. The party system literature offers two contradicting expectations about party system mechanics in multi-party systems without relevant extremist parties: competition structured by party alliances and strictly competitive relations between government and opposition parties (as suggested by <citeref rid="b30">Sartori 1976</citeref>) versus competition structured by individual parties and some mix of competition and co-operation and perhaps even power-sharing in extra-governmental arenas between government and opposition parties (as suggested by <citeref rid="b3">Dahl 1966</citeref>). Our empirical analysis of party system competitiveness in the electoral, parliamentary and other arenas (in particular, the corporatist arena) between 2000 and 2003 shows that the relations between the government and opposition parties were strictly competitive (i.e. of a zero-sum character) in the electoral arena. Likewise, there was no trading between government and opposition in the parliamentary arena. Finally, the government substantially increased its impact on the official sites (i.e. arenas controlled by the government) and used fire and hire methods more than any of its predecessors to build up its positions in public sector institutions. The opposition parties, in turn, perceived the government parties as a bloc and were united in their goal of undermining the government parties' majority. Yet, while relations between the government and opposition parties remained highly competitive throughout the entire period, relations between the parties on each side of the government-opposition divide became more fluid, partly for tactical considerations and partly for reasons of genuine preferences. In sum, the post-2000 Austrian party system is a weak version of a two-bloc system. 相似文献
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European Journal of Law and Economics - Can competition law consider effects on privacy, or should privacy concerns of data-collecting behaviour only be dealt with by data protection law? In this... 相似文献
176.
Wolfgang Schuller 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2001,42(3):510-513
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Rezensionsessay zu A. James McAdams, Judging the Past in Unified Germany, Cambridge: University Press, XIX und 244 S., US $ 19,95. 相似文献
177.
The contemporary transformations in western societies confront us with a problem already stated by Durkheim a century ago: What enables members of society to practice social solidarity while becoming increasingly more individualistic? This question is analyzed in view of the political socialization of adolescents and its developmental implications. In line with the Durkheimian tradition in developmental psychology established by Piaget and elaborated by Kohlberg, it is claimed that the development of moral autonomy gives rise to a justice-related sense of responsibility that may foster bonds of solidarity within society. This developmental model was tested against the impact of socialization variables in a sample of East and West Germany adolescents, aged 15 and 18 (N=348). Analyses of the data revealed a substantial relationship between the development of moral autonomy and the readiness to take responsibility for others in response to justice concerns. The impact of the development of moral autonomy on the formation of a justice-related sense of responsibility depended only minimally on background indicators of political socialization in adolescence (e.g., East or West German origin, the socioeconomic status of parents). In the context of current social conditions a developmental approach to political socialization appears crucial to explain the emergence of justice concerns giving rise to solidarity. 相似文献
178.
Martin Binder Peter Bußjäger Robert Rebhahn Hellwig Torggler Wolfgang Helm Susanne Reindl 《Juristische Bl?tter》2007,129(2):132-136
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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