Immunohistochemical detection of CCR2 and CX3CR1 in sepsis-induced lung injury

Sepsis is a systemic inflammatory disease with high mortality. In the present study, we immunohistochemically examined CCR2 and CX3CR1 expression in sepsis-induced lung injury, and discussed its availability for the postmortem diagnosis of sepsis. Lung samples were obtained from different lung lobes of nine sepsis and eight control cases with postmortem intervals between 12 and 48 h. Immunohistochemically, mononuclear cells recruited into the lungs expressed CCR2 and CX3CR1 in both sepsis and non-septic groups. In double-color immunofluorescence analysis, CCR2- or CX3CR1-positive cells could be identified as CD68-positive macrophages. Moreover, most of CD68-positive macrophages expressed both CCR2 and CX3CR1. Morphometrically, the average of CCR2- and CX3CR1-positive macrophages was significantly increased in sepsis group, compared with control group (sepsis vs. control: 41.6 ± 1.3% vs. 8.0 ± 0.4% in CCR2; 36.2 ± 1.3% vs. 9.2 ± 0.4% in CX3CR1). These observations implied that CCR2- or CX3CR1-positive macrophages were recruited into the lungs under several pathological conditions. In particular, their recruitment might be more evident in sepsis. Moreover, from the forensic aspects, immunohistochemical detection of CCR2 and CX3CR1 expression in the lungs can be considered as valuable diagnostic tools for the postmortem diagnosis of sepsis.     

金融犯罪刑事司法政策评述

随着金融市场的发展,犯罪防控的形势日益严峻,金融犯罪刑事司法政策一直致力于回应金融市场当前面临的现实发展状态及问题。但是政策效果受到立法制约和影响,且与金融监管联系紧密。为了寻求金融犯罪刑事司法政策的完善路径,首先需要理解金融犯罪司法规制的能力范围,了解金融的特性,理解刑法的局限。在此基础上,有针对性地落实宽严相济刑事政策,并且发挥金融犯罪刑事司法政策的独立价值。     

19世纪中晚期朴学的延续与流变

19世纪中后期,即在道成以来,朴学仍具有相当的活力,甚至同光年间,其流风余韵一直未断,取得了不亚于乾嘉时期的学术成就.考据与义理会通、考据与经世贯通成为此期朴学流变的显著特征.     

朝鲜族乡村社会的集中村建设及其社会共同体的质变

城镇化进程将导致传统村落共同体的解体与巨大社会变迁.引导乡村社区的整合与重构,摸索乡村社会可持续发展模式是必要的.朝鲜族乡村社会在城市化进程中经历了巨大社会变迁.为了克服社会变迁带来的阵痛,朝鲜族社会自发组织起集中村建设运动,通过集中村的形式实现就地城镇化的道路.尊重经济结构形式与社会共同体形式之间关系的规律,成为城镇化背景下乡村社区重构的关键因素.集中村建设经验对于处于社会转型期的中国乡村社会,具有启示性的意义.     

哈马斯现象的宗教-政治解读

以伊斯兰主义相号召,在广大信众中深深扎下了根是哈马斯能够在以色列武力镇压中立于不败之地的重要原因。哈马斯不仅仅是一个政治组织和武装组织,更不仅仅是少数持较为极端立场的人所组成的集团,而是成千上万由伊斯兰主义武装起来的信众的代表,体现已经联合起来、且已形成强大声势的抵抗运动。在立法委员会选举前哈马斯便已取代法塔赫,成为最受巴勒斯坦人欢迎的巴政治派别。它在立法委员会选举中获胜反映了选民对以色列的强烈不满与对巴解组织的失望。     

A Candid Conversation

Messages from the China-U.S.engagement in Anchorage While the first China-U.S.senior officials'meeting in Alaskan city Anchorage since U.S.President Joe Biden took office has been described as chilly by the Western media,to look at it objectively,the March 18-19 strategic dialogue has clarified the red lines on both sides and broken the ice for further communication.     

A Conflict of No Good

<正>The India-provoked border incident benefits no one Sino-Indian relations are e xperiencing their most severe standoff since the two nations’border war 55 years ago.In late June,Indian troops trespassed into China in the Donglang area at the Sikkim section of the China-India boundary.According to historical documents of the two countries,the     

优化空间结构 助推黔中城市群发展

文章利用2000-2009年统计数据对黔中城市群经济发展水平进行分析,采用首位度等指标对黔中城市群等级规模结构进行探讨。研究发现,黔中经济区初步具备城市群发育的基础。但是,黔中城市群存在总体的城市数量偏少、大城市缺位、中小城市数量不足、黔中城市群的城市规模等级结构不合理等问题。对于大城市不足的黔中地区而言,比较现实的城镇化发展路径,可能是一方面增强特大城市的辐射力;另一方面重点改善城市群内中小城市的基础设施条件和投资环境,改善城市间交通运输条件,帮助它们发展成为较大城市;从而逐步形成一个良性的城市群结构。     

A Two‐Level Theory of Presidential Instability

This article analyzes the conditions that facilitate the ousting of Latin American presidents and the mechanisms that prevent their downfall. Drawing lessons from the impeachment of Paraguayan president Fernando Lugo, it extends previous arguments about the “legislative shield” to show that the same forces that sometimes conspire to terminate an administration at other times work to resist its demise. The argument underscores the interaction between legislators and social movements, two prominent actors in the literature on presidential instability. The article presents a two‐level theory to identify possible configurations of mass and legislative alignments, and tests some implications of the theory with data for 116 Latin American presidents over 28 years. Multiple comparison tests based on random effects logistic models show that popular protests can be neutralized by strong support in Congress, and hint at the possibility that legislative threats can be neutralized by loyal demonstrators in the streets.