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Abstract The purpose of this qualitative research was to examine the change process experienced by imprisoned sex offenders during incarceration from the standpoint of emerging positive criminology perspective. The participants were 38 males incarcerated in two prisons in Israel who had been convicted of various sexual offences. The participants underwent individual in-depth, face-to-face interviews, lasting several hours each. Initially, the findings suggested a tendency for offences to escalate over time, referred to as a “criminal spin”, which can be stopped only by external intervention. Most of the participants also reported that they experienced positive changes during the current imprisonment, associated with broad support received from various sources. This suggests a possible way out of the criminal spin by exposing offenders to the human and social acceptance of meaningful agents, thus supporting the positive criminology perspective. In addition to their theoretical contribution, the findings have practical implications for the assessment, treatment and rehabilitation of sex offenders. 相似文献
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Guillermo Rosas Yael Shomer Stephen R. Haptonstahl 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):511-528
Roll‐call votes are widely employed to infer the ideological proclivities of legislators. However, many roll‐call matrices are characterized by high levels of nonresponse. Under many circumstances, nonresponse cannot be assumed to be ignorable. We examine the consequences of violating the ignorability assumption that underlies current methods of roll‐call analysis. We present a basic estimation framework to model nonresponse and vote choice concurrently, build a model that captures the logic of competing principals that underlies accounts of nonresponse in many legislatures, and illustrate the payoff of addressing nonignorable nonresponse through both simulated and real data. We conclude that modeling presumed patterns of nonignorable nonresponse can yield important inferential payoffs over current models that assume random missingness, but we also emphasize that the decision to model nonresponse should be based on theoretical grounds since one cannot rely on measures of goodness of fit for the purpose of model comparison. 相似文献
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This article introduces the "pseudo-reality" method of constructing and conducting conflict resolution training workshops. This method focuses on creating a backdrop against which participants engage in building negotiation and mediation skills using real-life events and facts — but only to the extent that these events and facts promote the learning process. By creating pseudo-reality, trainers can overcome strong preconceptions or biases that can interfere with the learning process while at the same time preserving the advantages of working within a familiar, realistic environment. This method is meant to be used when the main goal of a workshop is skill building rather than imparting substantive knowledge of a specific conflict. The article illustrates this method by describing its use at a workshop conducted recently in Cyprus, in which the Israeli–Palestinian conflict served as a backdrop for conflict resolution skill building. Finally, the article describes a model designed to help conflict resolution trainers create pseudo-reality in their own workshops. 相似文献
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文章论述了政治理论的三种主要观点:社会选择理论认为政治过程是工具性的,其目标是私人利益的最佳妥协;理性共识理论则表明,政治的目标应该是理性的一致而不是妥协,而且决定性的政治行为是参与公共辩论以达成共识;参与民主理论认为,政治的目标就是转化和教育参与者,政治本身就是目的。 相似文献
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Fragmented citizenship has been a concept describing a deficit in the rights granted to citizens, which may be subject to fluctuations. This paper suggests that the expansion of citizenship is connected to an ideational shift while fragmentation occurs when institutional structures and core values inhibit change in certain areas. The case under discussion is the status of homosexuals in Israel. The country has been described as a gay-friendly society where homosexuals enjoy a plethora of socio-economic rights on the one hand, but are denied marital rights on the other. Expansion of citizenship was made possible owing to a gradual process of liberalization and growing institutional receptivity. This however, did not conclude with the full social inclusion of Israeli homosexuals but rather with citizenship fragmentation. Granting full citizenship rights would have been incompatible with Jewish national core values backed by the institutional autonomy utilized by resistant veto actors. 相似文献