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Deliberative democracy can be defined as a political system based on citizens' free discussion of public issues. While most scholars have discussed deliberative democracy normatively, this study attempts to test the validity of a model of deliberative democracy through examining the interrelationships among its four components: newsmedia use, political conversation, opinion formation, and political participation. Sufficient empirical evidence was found to support the hypotheses that (a) news-media use is closely associated with the frequency of political conversation in daily life both at general and issue-specific levels; (b) willingness to argue with those who have different opinions is influenced by majority perceptions and by news-media use and political talk; (c) news-media use and political conversation have positive effects on certain measures of the quality of opinions (argument quality, consideredness, and opinionation) and perhaps on opinion consistency; and (d) news-media use and political conversation are closely associated also with participatory activities, but more so with "campaigning" than "complaining."  相似文献   
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Genipin, a hydrolytic product of geniposide extracted from gardenia fruit, was thoroughly studied as a potential fingerprint reagent, and optimal conditions for fingerprint development have been determined. Latent fingerprints on paper items that have been treated with a non-ink running formulation containing 0.17% of the reagent, showed up as both colored and fluorescent images. On brown wrapping paper and on papers with highly luminescent backgrounds, genipin developed more visible and clearer prints than did classical reagents such as ninhydrin or DFO. Another potential advantage of genipin is that it is totally harmless and an environmentally friendly reagent.  相似文献   
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We argue that the standard toolbox used in electoral studies to assess the bias and responsiveness of electoral systems can also be used to assess the bias and responsiveness of legislative systems. We consider which items in the toolbox are the most appropriate for use in the legislative setting, then apply them to estimate levels of bias in the U.S. House from 1879 to 2000. Our results indicate a systematic bias in favor of the majority party over this period, with the strongest bias arising during the period of "czar rule" (51st–60th Congresses, 1889–1910) and during the post-packing era (87th–106th Congresses, 1961–2000). This finding is consistent with the majority party possessing a significant advantage, either in "buying" vote options, in setting the agenda, or both.  相似文献   
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