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Abstract. The strike by the United Nations personnel in Geneva in February-March 1976 confirmed the tendency of international civil servants to unionize themselves and to apply collective pressure within a framework which, traditionally, did not lend itself to this type of action. Even though the strikers obtained salary increases for themselves and for their colleagues in other United Nations agencies situated in Geneva (essentially the World Health Organization (who ) and the International Labour Office (ilo )), the strike had unfavourable consequences with regard to the international secretariats. Thus the local and international press accused the un ‘bureaucrats’ of being too numerous, over-paid and too political. Some civil servants protested against the over-militant attitude of their own associations or unions and dissension arose within the Federation of these associations. The salary increases entailed an additional expenditure of 25.3 million for all the organizations involved. This made the who and ilo reduce their staff and drew criticism over staff management at the un from the Joint Inspection Unit (jiu ) and several governmental delegations. The negative reaction of who member states to the demands for additional funds, together with an initiative of the ‘77’ group aimed at reducing administrative expenses in order to redirect the organization's resources towards technical cooperation, led to a staff reduction at the who headquarters of some 20 per cent in four years; at the ilo , the staff was reduced by 7.3 per cent in two years. Following the serious criticism by the Joint Inspection Unit concerning the lack of coherence and strictness on the part of the administrations, the General Assembly of the United Nations decided to transfer the responsibility for setting up new salary scales in Geneva from the heads of the Secretariats to the Commission of International Public Service; it also called upon the un Secretary General to speed up the reforms in staff policy and administration. Through its repercussions the 1976 strike brought to light the fragility of international institutions, whose existence is entirely dependent upon the goodwill of member states, as well as the limits of union activities by associations of international civil servants.  相似文献   
83.
Tests that infer the ancestral origin of a DNA sample have considerable potential in the development of forensic tools that can help to guide crime investigation. We have developed a single-tube 34-plex SNP assay for the assignment of ancestral origin by choosing ancestry-informative markers (AIMs) exhibiting highly contrasting allele frequency distributions between the three major population-groups. To predict ancestral origin from the profiles obtained, a classification algorithm was developed based on maximum likelihood. Sampling of two populations each from African, European and East Asian groups provided training sets for the algorithm and this was tested using the CEPH Human Genome Diversity Panel. We detected negligible theoretical and practical error for assignments to one of the three groups analyzed with consistently high classification probabilities, even when using reduced subsets of SNPs. This study shows that by choosing SNPs exhibiting marked allele frequency differences between population-groups a practical forensic test for assigning the most likely ancestry can be achieved from a single multiplexed assay.  相似文献   
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This article outlines the US Supreme Court's approach to the habeas corpus entitlements of suspected terrorists detained in Guantánamo Bay and argues for the extension of constitutional habeas corpus rights to them. The article considers two ways in which the Supreme Court might carry out this task: first, 'the territorial approach' (based on domestic legal principles of 'unincorporated territories' and principles of leasehold), and secondly, 'the extraterritorial approach' (based on international purposive approaches to the reach of human rights treaties exemplified by the European Court of Human Rights' Article 1 jurisprudence). For reasons of effectiveness of protection, the Article expresses a clear preference for the latter. The House of Lords decision in R (Al-Skeini) v Secretary of State for Defence (2007) is proposed as a template for such a development. Finally the article refutes arguments rejecting such a development based on the 'trade-off thesis' and perceptions of judicial competence.  相似文献   
86.
We studied the allele frequency distribution of 21 autosomal STR loci contained in the AmpFlSTR® Identifiler™ (Applied Biosystems), the Powerplex®16 (Promega) and the FFFL (Promega) multiplex PCR kits among 936 individuals from the Royal Kingdom of Bhutan. As such these are the first published autosomal DNA results from this country.  相似文献   
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This article aims at coping with the 2003 implementation of affirmative action policies favoring blacks and “browns” in public-funded universities in Brazil. We are especially interested in coming to terms with some of the most resounding controversies over this type of “race”-based policy, which in our view are to be seen as reactions to some core aspects of Brazil’s national identity. The key question that has pervaded this debate is: Should the State apparatus, by means of these non-universalist policies, foster racial identities in a society that has historically imagined itself as racially mixed and, as such, able to deal with race-based conflicts in a quite positive way? As we will strive to demonstrate, these controversies gained momentum as multiculturalism started to inform identity-oriented social movements, which in recent years excelled in challenging the image of Brazil as a successful case of a melting-pot society by denouncing deep-seated social inequalities grounded in racial lines. We want to investigate whether popular resistance to race-based public policies will propel the rise of a sort of resented form of nationalism in Brazil’s public scene.  相似文献   
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