全文获取类型
收费全文 | 204篇 |
免费 | 30篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 30篇 |
工人农民 | 14篇 |
世界政治 | 49篇 |
外交国际关系 | 29篇 |
法律 | 52篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 57篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 2篇 |
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 27篇 |
2016年 | 21篇 |
2015年 | 18篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 43篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 11篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有234条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
101.
Eyyup Yilmaz M.D. Nergis Canturk M.D. Zerrin Erkol M.D. Bahadir Kumral M.D. Ali M. Okumus Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(5):1241-1246
This study presents an analysis of the causes of so‐called honor killings in the context of “customary homicide” and a discussion of preventive measures. Finalized case files of customary homicide between January 1, 2007 and December 31, 2012 were retrospectively examined in Diyarbakir Province, Turkey. Of a total of 28 case victims, 17 (60.7%) were females and 11 (39.3%) were males. All perpetrators were male. There was a significant difference between male and female victims in terms of economic independence (p = 0.000). A direct blood relationship or relationship by marriage (such as brother‐in‐law) was found to have a significant association with the gender of the victim (p < 0.001). Multilevel educational activities targeting a transformation of the perception of women by society, replacement of patriarchal models with more modern attitudes, and encouragement of individuality may represent effective strategies that may help reduce the number of customary homicide, which represents a multifaceted problem. 相似文献
102.
103.
The political resource curse – the detrimental effect of natural resource dependence on democracy – is a well-established correlate of authoritarianism. A long-standing puzzle, however, is why some countries seem to be immune from it. We address this issue systematically by distinguishing two kinds of economies: contract-intensive, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in the marketplace; and clientelist, where individuals normally obtain their incomes in groups that compete over state rents. We theorize that the institutionalized patronage opportunities in clientelist economies are an important precondition for the resource curse, and that nations with contract-intensive economies are immune from it. Analysis of 150 countries from 1973 to 2000 yields robust support for this view. By introducing clientelist economy as a prerequisite for the resource curse, this study offers an important advance in understanding how nations democratize. 相似文献
104.
105.
Zerrin Torun 《欧亚研究》2019,71(8):1426-1427
106.
Tensions between regionalist claimants and state-wide governments remain the primary source of violent conflicts. Existing theories cannot systematically explain why and when state-wide governments accede to such claims. Building on the partisan approaches developed so far, a theory of ideological authority insulation is constructed in this article. It is argued that the willingness of state-wide parties to transfer authority to specific territorial entities is predominantly informed by ideological proximity to those entities. In a nutshell, the dominant conflict dimension in a country superimposes partisan rationales on the territorial dimension. A new dataset has been compiled with roughly 4,300 region-cabinet dyads between 1945 and 2015, including electoral data, party positions and regional ‘centres of gravity’. Using panel rare-events regressions, it is found that ideological proximity systematically explains the accommodation of minority demand controlling for alternative explanations from the partisan and ethnic conflict literature. The empirical evidence therefore supports adding ideological insulation and superimposition to the toolbox of partisan and conflict researchers. Additionally, the findings encourage the application of arguments from the conflict literature in established democracies and the testing of insights from partisan researchers in less democratic environments. 相似文献
107.
ABSTRACT This study investigates the incremental validity of changes in ten stress-related acute dynamic risk factors, collected through automated telephony over 30 consecutive days following parole, for predicting time to recidivism during the following year. Before release, the participants completed self-report assessment of some stable risk factors – impulsiveness and history of problematic substance use – as well as an assessment of symptoms of anxiety experienced during the weeks prior to release. Analysis of the baseline assessments showed that impulsiveness and a history of problematic substance use, but not pre-release symptoms of anxiety, were associated with recidivism during the parole year. Growth modelling using a linear mixed model was used to assess whether inmates on parole showed changes in acute dynamic risk factors during the first month following release. Individual growth model slopes and intercept were then extracted and used as covariates in a series of Cox regression analyses to test whether changes in acute dynamic risk factors could provide incremental predictive validity beyond baseline stable risk factors. Changes in five dynamic risk factors were associated with an increased risk of recidivism, of which daily drug use and daily summary score showed incremental predictive improvement beyond impulsiveness and history of problematic drug use. 相似文献
108.
Ziya Öniş Mustafa Kutlay 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2020,55(2):108-126
ABSTRACT The rise of right-wing populism should be studied as a truly global phenomenon. Domestic and regional contexts are obviously crucial, yet a narrow focus on the domestic realm fails to capture some of the key constituents and paradoxical features of the rise and resilience of right-wing populist projects around the world. Therefore, right-wing populism and the way its contradictions are ‘managed’ ought to be understood within the context of mutual interactions between: 1) an economy-identity nexus and 2) a domestic-foreign policy nexus. A critical review of six controversial aspects of right-wing populism in the global North and global South is used to substantiate this main argument. 相似文献
109.
Zerrin Torun 《欧亚研究》2019,71(10):1774-1775
110.
Zerrin Özlem Biner 《Citizenship Studies》2011,15(3-4):367-379
This article examines how the struggle for the recognition of genocide in the twentieth century opens up a political space which, on the one hand, generates historical discourses and imaginaries about the categories of victim and perpetrator and, on the other hand, redefines relationships between the state and its minority citizens. Genocide becomes a ‘critical event’, in the sense of Veena Das, that citizens from different ethnic, social and religious backgrounds use to express their positions concerning the repressive state practices they have been victims of. This expression creates a collective space of solidarity where parties support each other by adopting similar strategies in the struggle for state accountability. At the same time, it opens up a space for negotiation among the state, minority citizens and migrant communities regarding claims to rights and justice. 相似文献