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311.
With the increased electoral success of anti‐immigration parties, questions regarding what impact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored this question. Furthermore, within this body of research, one is given different answers. While some argue that anti‐immigration parties have made an impact on public policy, others find no such evidence. This article shows that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the methodological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are either single case studies or comparisons of a small number of countries. Consequently, different parties in different institutional settings are compared, making it difficult to estimate the actual impact of the party of interest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems, this article explores the question of anti‐immigration party impact on a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD) have managed to influence decisions on refugee reception in Swedish municipalities. The analysis shows mixed results. First, while unable to find an independent effect of the size of the representation of the SD, it appears that the party's impact is conditioned by them holding the balance of power. Second, the SD's impact is not dependent upon whether there is right‐wing or left‐wing rule, although local migration policy is stricter when the main right‐wing party has strong support. 相似文献
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Jordan Gans‐Morse Sebastián Mazzuca Simeon Nichter 《American journal of political science》2014,58(2):415-432
Although many studies of clientelism focus exclusively on vote buying, political machines often employ diverse portfolios of strategies. We provide a theoretical framework and formal model to explain how and why machines mix four clientelist strategies during elections: vote buying, turnout buying, abstention buying, and double persuasion. Machines tailor their portfolios to the political preferences and voting costs of the electorate. They also adapt their mix to at least five contextual factors: compulsory voting, ballot secrecy, political salience, machine support, and political polarization. Our analysis yields numerous insights, such as why the introduction of compulsory voting may increase vote buying, and why enhanced ballot secrecy may increase turnout buying and abstention buying. Evidence from various countries is consistent with our predictions and suggests the need for empirical studies to pay closer attention to the ways in which machines combine clientelist strategies. 相似文献
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Viviane Brachet-Márquez Guillermo V. Alonso Mónica Uribe Gómez 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2014,14(3-4):346-358
One revealing test for gauging the extent to which pluralist democracy has advanced in the recently (re)democratized countries of Latin America is to determine the extent to which interest groups have come to participate in policy making in formal, open, extensive, and accepted ways as they mostly do in advanced liberal democracies. In other words, is this a new era or more of the same? To provide insights into this question, using six hypotheses, this article compares social insurance reform in Argentina and Mexico, and public health reform in Colombia. It appears that the political processes through which the reforms were adopted were fairly democratic, although aspects of the old regimes in all three countries, particularly corporatist relationships, were indispensable backups. The weaknesses that were apparent, however, stem less from the old ways of doing political business and more from the immaturity of the democratic process. Plus, pressures were felt by the executive branches and their allies to show to the international community that their country was a safe place in which to invest. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
317.
Elements of the business lobby, particular sectors of big business and its peak associations, have been a continual influence, sometimes a dominant force, in Chilean politics since the second half of the 19th century. This prominence and sustained influence is particularly noteworthy since the 1930s, given the various forms of democracy experienced in Chile, the harsh military dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s, and because the return to democracy in 1990 has meant increasing competition among interest groups. This article offers an explanation of the political significance of the big business community by reference to both common factors that shape the influence of business across political systems and especially the developments in Chile's political economy. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
318.
M T Zarrabeitia J A Riancho P Sánchez-Diz P Sánchez-Velasco 《Forensic science international》2001,123(1):78-80
Allele and haplotype frequencies for 7 Y-specific STR loci (DYS19, DYS389-I, DYS389-II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393) had been determined in a sample of 107 unrelated males living in Cantabria, a region in northern Spain, by means of two multiplex PCRs. 相似文献
319.
Allele frequencies for 11 short tandem repeats (STRs) loci (CSF1PO, TPOX, TH01, F13A01, FESFPS, vWA, D16S539, D7S820, D13S317, F13B and LPL) were obtained from a sample of 225 unrelated individuals born in the Entre Ríos state of Argentina. 相似文献
320.
Bullet embolism of the arterial, venous and paradoxical types are well known but rare complications of penetrating missile injuries. Retrograde transthoracic venous bullet embolization is extremely rare with only four cases previously reported in the literature. Single gunshot can cause multiple wounds, mainly because the bullet passes through an intermediate target before striking the victim. We present the autopsy findings of a retrograde transthoracic bullet embolism to the right external iliac vein after a single gunshot with multiple wounds in the left arm and thorax. Problems related to medico-legal investigations of gunshots are reviewed. 相似文献