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241.
Islam generally, and Muslim immigrant communities in particular, have recently been targeted for criticism by Western academics and in popular Western media. This article explores the substance of these criticisms and weighs them against the beliefs and practices of Muslim immigrants in Western liberal democracies. The article addresses three distinct questions. First, what sorts of cultural adaptations is it reasonable for liberal democratic states and societies to expect immigrants to make, and what kinds of adaptation is it unreasonable to demand? Second, how vulnerable are Islamic beliefs and practices to the criticisms commonly leveled against them in the name of liberal democracy and gender equality? Finally, how strong are the parallels between the claims for political recognition and accommodation that issue from immigrant cultural communities and the claims for recognition and inclusion that issue from groups that have historically been marginalized within liberal democratic societies? Although the authors do not dismiss the notion that there may be tensions between the core commitments of liberal democratic societies and some Islamic practices, they conclude that these tensions are exaggerated by Western writers. Muslim communities generally pose no greater challenge to liberal societies than do other religious and immigrant communities. Western writers should be chary of rejecting their claims to toleration and accommodation too swiftly. 相似文献
242.
Terrence J. Downey Robert J. Williams 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1998,41(2):210-238
Abstract: This article explores the application of the so-called “common sense” agenda of the Ontario government to the municipal sector in selected communities. By examining a range of restructuring proposals considered and/or adopted during 1995–97 in six municipalities in southern Ontario the study addresses two objectives. First, it delineates the manner in which the term “rationalize” has been understood by the province and the municipalities. Evidence suggests that the drive to “restructure” has evolved into a fairly simplistic strategy: amalgamate and eliminate units of municipal government and reduce the number of municipal councillors and staff. Second, it analyses the government's promise to “sit down with the municipalities” in this process. The Harris government, in fact, implemented a far-reaching conceptual agenda but forced municipalities to design the specific responses to it. Since 1995, municipalities large and small in all comers of the province have struggled -some in good faith, some with reluctance - to find ways to develop a local response to the province's restructuring agenda, all the while fearing that a failure to acquiesce would invite an imposed solution. Sommaire: Dans cet article, on explore I'application du «programme du bon sens» du gouvemement de l'Ontario au secteur municipal dans certaines communautés choisies. L'étude, qui examine toute une gamme de propositions de restructuration considérées ou adoptées en 1995–1997 dans six municipalités du Sud de l'Ontario, vise deux objectifs. On y définit tout d'abord la manière dont la province et les municipalités ont interprété le mot «rationaliser». I1 semblerait que l'effort de »restructuration° ait menéà une stratégie passablement simpliste: fusionner et éliminer des unités du gouvernement municipal et réduire le nombre de conseillers et de personnel municipaux. Deuxièmement, on analyse la promesse faite par le gouvemement s'asseoir autour de la table avec les municipalité« dans le cadre de ce processus. En réalité, le gouvernement Harris a mis en oeuvre un agenda conceptuel de très grande envergure mais il a forcé les municipalités à lui trouver des réponses spéci-fiques. Depuis 1995, les municipalités petites et grandes de tous les coins de la province s'efforcent, certaines de bonne foi mais d'autres avec récalcitrance, de formuler une réponse locale au programme restructurateur de la province, tout en craignant que, si elles manquent de s'y conformer, elles risquent de se faire imposer une solution. 相似文献
243.
Kenneth E. Collier Richard D. McKelvey Peter C. Ordeshook Kenneth C. Williams 《Public Choice》1987,53(2):101-130
This essay reports on some experiments designed to study two candidate electoral competition when voters are ‘retrospective’ voters. The experiments consist of a sequence of elections in which subjects play the part of both voters and candidates. In each election the incumbent adopts a policy position in a one-dimensional policy space, and voters are paid (on the basis of single peaked utility function over that space) for the position adopted by the incumbent. Neither voters nor candidates are informed of the voter utility functions, and the only information received by the voter is the payoff he has received from the present and previous incumbent administrations. Despite the severely limited information of candidates and voters, we find that, generally, candidates converge toward the median voter ideal point. 相似文献
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Matthew Williams 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2000,14(1):95-104
While it would be appropriate to state that criminologists and those in legal disciplines have recently discovered that new technologies are worthy of research, they have yet to tap into growing concerns over sub-criminal activity within increasing populated virtual environments. As a result we find new forms of sociopathic behaviour, which present themselves in abundance, being disregarded due to their 'virtual status', while similar crimes in the real world are subject to intensive investigation. This study considers forms of 'virtual deviance' that manifest themselves within online communities as viable forms of inquiry. Through a multi-method approach, including ethnographic methods, linguistic, case source and discourse analysis, this research project aims to unravel the link between the aetiology of online deviance and the discourses of surveillance, regulation and mediation. It is hoped that the analysis will provide for a virtual regulatory model that curtails disruptive behaviour within online environments while simultaneously maintaining relevant justice models and forms of human/ avatar rights. 相似文献
248.
The politics of the selective gaze: Closed Circuit Television and the policing of public space 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper gives first an explanation for therapid development of Closed Circuit Television (CCTV)throughout Britain. This considers the implicationsof its rapid proliferation on the geographies ofpublic space and highlights the selectivity of thegaze of the surveillance cameras and the consequentpotential for the exclusion of certain groups frompublic space. The paper then extends this by usingresearch from two rural towns to address three basicquestions: how the cameras are used for direct lawenforcement; how this use is governed; and how thepublic react to the use of CCTV. It concludes that bystressing the selectivity of the surveillance anddrawing the implications of this for enforcement andgovernance, and also stressing the extent to which theplacing and timing of the use of the cameras fails toreflect the revealed preferences of the communitiesinvolved. 相似文献
249.
Russell L. Williams 《Public administration review》2000,60(6):582-587
Books reviewed:
Terry L. Cooper, The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role
Evan M. Berman, Jonathan P. West, Stephen J. Bonczek, eds., The Ethics Edge 相似文献
Terry L. Cooper, The Responsible Administrator: An Approach to Ethics for the Administrative Role
Evan M. Berman, Jonathan P. West, Stephen J. Bonczek, eds., The Ethics Edge 相似文献
250.