首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1079篇
  免费   68篇
各国政治   55篇
工人农民   40篇
世界政治   113篇
外交国际关系   130篇
法律   471篇
中国政治   4篇
政治理论   325篇
综合类   9篇
  2023年   10篇
  2022年   3篇
  2021年   6篇
  2020年   28篇
  2019年   35篇
  2018年   35篇
  2017年   54篇
  2016年   62篇
  2015年   38篇
  2014年   40篇
  2013年   151篇
  2012年   35篇
  2011年   54篇
  2010年   38篇
  2009年   40篇
  2008年   38篇
  2007年   26篇
  2006年   35篇
  2005年   41篇
  2004年   42篇
  2003年   41篇
  2002年   28篇
  2001年   18篇
  2000年   29篇
  1999年   17篇
  1998年   17篇
  1997年   15篇
  1996年   11篇
  1995年   9篇
  1994年   7篇
  1993年   16篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   14篇
  1990年   14篇
  1989年   10篇
  1988年   6篇
  1987年   8篇
  1985年   11篇
  1984年   5篇
  1983年   7篇
  1982年   6篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   5篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   4篇
  1975年   5篇
  1974年   4篇
  1972年   3篇
  1970年   2篇
排序方式: 共有1147条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
951.
South African local government has undergone radical transformation. The reform process included a local government financial management best‐practice technical assistance programme (MFMTAP) targeting financial management and especially budget quality reform. Dollery and Graves (2009) earlier examined the efficacy of the South African National Treasury (NT's) municipal budget funding compliance technique for measuring adherence to the Municipal Finance Management Act's (MFMA) budget funding requirements using a single metropolitan municipality case study. This article further evaluates the robustness and validity of the funding compliance instrument as a reform performance measurement tool by comparing the results of four geographically and demographically different municipalities. Also introduced is a performance ‘trend’ instrument similar to a ‘Likert scale’ for comparing municipal performance. Optimal tax revenue theory is invoked to examine this key revenue variable for producing a compliant budget. The article finds the ‘budget funding’ reform component of the Best‐Practice Technical Assistance (BPTA) programme presently ineffective and unsustainable. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
952.
953.

Cues and heuristics—like party, gender, and race/ethnicity—help voters choose among a set of candidates. We consider candidate professional experience—signaled through occupation—as a cue that voters can use to evaluate candidates’ functional competence for office. We outline and test one condition under which citizens are most likely to use such cues: when there is a clear connection between candidate qualifications and the particular elected office. We further argue that voters in these contexts are likely to make subtle distinctions between candidates, and to vote accordingly. We test our account in the context of local school board elections, and show—through both observational analyses of California election results and a conjoint experiment—that (1) voters favor candidates who work in education; (2) that voters discriminate even among candidates associated with education by only favoring those with strong ties to students; and (3) that the effects are not muted by partisanship. Voters appear to value functional competence for office in and of itself, and use cues in the form of candidate occupation to assess who is and who is not fit for the job.

  相似文献   
954.
Do Americans care how much money congressional candidates earn? We conducted three experiments to examine how candidates' incomes affect voters' perceptions of the candidates' traits and ultimately their vote intention. Subjects evaluated otherwise identical candidates with annual incomes randomly varying between $75,000, $3 million, and a candidate with no income information provided. Results from the three experiments are remarkably similar. Subjects viewed the $3 million earner as significantly more intelligent than the candidate with no income information provided, but this benefit of high income was overshadowed by significant biases against the $3 million candidate. Subjects consistently viewed the $3 million earner as less honest, less caring, and less representative of them than the other candidates. Ultimately, subjects were less likely to say they would vote for the $3 million candidate. These findings demonstrate that the campaign advantages that high-income candidates enjoy are somewhat offset by voters' initial bias against them.  相似文献   
955.
Editorial     
  相似文献   
956.
Editorial     
  相似文献   
957.
Editorial     
  相似文献   
958.
959.
Editorial     
  相似文献   
960.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号