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41.
Nageen Mustafa Paul Kingston Derek Beeston 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2013,19(1):15-30
Potentially preventable crimes resulting from failures in criminal record checking and recording emerged as problematic in the eighteenth century and have continued up until the present day. Ranging from child abuse to murders, reports suggest that if criminal records had been evident, in some cases unlawful acts may have been prohibited. The historical background to the emergence of criminal record collection and checking in the United Kingdom (UK) is analysed from the mid-eighteenth century. This time period is chosen because it marks a pivotal change in the treatment of criminals, crimes and the start of the policing system in the United Kingdom. As a result of growing societal concerns over public safety and changes in the legal system, the approach in which criminal records have been utilised in employment decision-making has evolved most rapidly in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. The recording, storing and sharing of criminal record information has received most attention only in the past decade. Developments in recruitment-vetting procedures for the protection of vulnerable persons have only emerged in the last 50 years to manage such crimes in the United Kingdom. In 2002 the Criminal Records Bureau (CRB) was established in the United Kingdom to ensure safer recruitment decisions could be made in society. However, the question remains whether or not these practices have been and are effective. 相似文献
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Derek Lutterbeck 《European Security》2013,22(2):231-253
Abstract A distinctive feature of the security landscape in western Europe of the post-Cold War era is that the dividing line between internal and external security has become increasingly obsolete—mainly as a consequence of the growing importance of transnational as well as other challenges to security which defy the distinction between domestic and international security. This article examines this convergence of internal and external security agendas from the perspective of the coercive apparatus of western European countries, pointing to a militarisation and externalisation of policing, and an internalisation and ‘policisation’ of soldiering: while police forces are taking on military characteristics, and are extending their activities beyond the borders of the state, military forces are turning to internal security missions, and are adopting certain police features. Moreover, agencies which have traditionally been located at the interface between police and military forces, i.e. gendarmerie-type or paramilitary forces, are assuming an increasingly important role. 相似文献
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This article traces the role of the EU institutions in the process leading up to the EU–Turkey Action Plan and EU–Turkey Statement. The EU–Turkey deal is the proverbial ‘orphan’ in EU crises management, with none of the key actors and institutions eager to claim ownership. Yet when judged from the perspective of process management, the deal resulted from effective inter-institutional collaboration, which stands in stark contrast to the EU’s handling of the relocation schemes or the Dublin reform. Using insights from the informal governance literature, the article maps the inter-institutional network that managed this process, traces the activities within the network, and determines the effects these had on the final outcome. On an analytical level, the mechanism contains five key elements of informal institutional governance: linking, bridging, shielding, laying out the tracks and creative fixes. The conclusion reflects on the wider applicability and scope conditions of this mechanism. 相似文献
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Congram DR 《Journal of forensic sciences》2008,53(4):793-796
Abstract: This case report describes the search for a clandestine grave in Costa Rica for which the police sought the assistance of an archaeologist. An anonymous informant suggested that the victim had been kidnapped and murdered, placed in a shallow grave in the woods, then covered with lime and cement. A search of the area to detect conventional signs of burial (e.g., slumping, different plant growth) resulted in excavation of unrelated features of past disturbance. Different aspects of the grave including the deposition of cement powder over the body prevented its initial discovery. Improvisation of conventional archaeological excavation methods and use of police familiar with archaeological excavation resulted in the location of the grave and exhumation of the victim without loss of important contextual evidence that supported testimony on the cause of death. The taphonomic effects of high-lying ground water and lime in the tropical burial environment are briefly discussed. Recommendations such as the construction of a temporary sump to lower the ground water level in the grave during excavation are made to assist in similar investigations in the future. 相似文献
47.
How can Political Liberals be Environmentalists? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Derek Bell 《Political studies》2002,50(4):703-724
It is often assumed that neutralist liberalism and environmentalism are incompatible because promoting environmentally friendly policies involves endorsing a particular conception of the good life. This paper questions that assumption by showing that one important version of neutralist liberalism, John Rawls's 'justice as fairness', can allow two kinds of justification for environmental policies. First, public reason arguments can be used to justify conceptions of sustainability and environmental justice. Second, comprehensive ideals (including non-anthropocentric ideals) can be used to justify more ambitious environmental policies when two conditions are met, namely, the issue under discussion does not concern constitutional essentials or matters of basic justice; and the policy is endorsed by a majority of citizens. Rawls's willingness to allow this second kind of justification for environmental (and other) policies is defended against two objections, which claim that Rawls's 'democratic liberalism' is incoherent. The first objection – the 'justice' objection – is that to spend public money promoting comprehensive (environmental) ideals is inconsistent with the 'difference principle'. The 'justice' objection depends on a common misunderstanding of the difference principle. The second objection – the 'neutrality' objection – claims that 'democratic liberalism' is inconsistent with Rawls's commitment to neutrality. The 'neutrality' objection is unconvincing because 'democratic liberalism' is 'fundamentally neutral' whereas the leading alternative is not. 相似文献
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Derek McDougall 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2018,56(4):547-558
The Commonwealth functions in contemporary international relations as a ‘mini’ version of multilateralism, encompassing issues of geopolitics, the global economy, climate change, and human rights and democracy. While essentially an organisation of developing countries, it also includes the United Kingdom and the ‘old Dominions’. There is a particular focus on the role of small states, even though the Commonwealth also includes some very large developing countries. Apart from its global role, the Commonwealth can be significant in regional contexts where there is some concentration of Commonwealth members. The Commonwealth also has a role as a context for civil society organisations. The article provides an assessment of the role of the Commonwealth within these various settings. 相似文献
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