首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   887篇
  免费   20篇
各国政治   58篇
工人农民   48篇
世界政治   135篇
外交国际关系   60篇
法律   377篇
中国政治   5篇
政治理论   207篇
综合类   17篇
  2021年   5篇
  2020年   10篇
  2019年   23篇
  2018年   22篇
  2017年   23篇
  2016年   31篇
  2015年   17篇
  2014年   27篇
  2013年   173篇
  2012年   22篇
  2011年   29篇
  2010年   22篇
  2009年   19篇
  2008年   34篇
  2007年   27篇
  2006年   22篇
  2005年   17篇
  2004年   27篇
  2003年   23篇
  2002年   18篇
  2001年   15篇
  2000年   23篇
  1999年   10篇
  1998年   11篇
  1997年   16篇
  1996年   11篇
  1995年   12篇
  1994年   16篇
  1993年   13篇
  1992年   8篇
  1991年   13篇
  1990年   10篇
  1989年   11篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   9篇
  1986年   8篇
  1985年   10篇
  1984年   8篇
  1983年   8篇
  1982年   11篇
  1981年   9篇
  1980年   13篇
  1979年   8篇
  1978年   8篇
  1977年   5篇
  1976年   5篇
  1974年   7篇
  1973年   6篇
  1972年   4篇
  1967年   3篇
排序方式: 共有907条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
711.
India is juggling demands and proposals for at least three national data surveillance projects of vast scope. This article focuses on the unique identification (UID) number, which it is proposed will be allocated to India’s 1.2 billion people, with 600 M UIDs to be allocated by 2015. Draft legislation to create the Authority which will administer the UID contains few protections for privacy or other liberties. They are needed because there is otherwise a privacy vacuum in Indian law. The Bill leaves most of the details of the demographic and biometric information which will be required to be included Regulations, and imposes no controls on which organisations can require UIDs, or what they can do with them. This article focuses on the planning documents for the UID, and the Bill, to argue that India may be building an identification system that puts peoples’ liberties at risk, and does so in a way which will be largely out of control of democratic or judicial restraints on such a powerful use of information technology.  相似文献   
712.
Few studies had examined the stability of motivations for becoming a police officer over time, especially among minority and female officers. Moreover, research had not explored the links between original motivations and job satisfaction, a likely proxy measure of motivation fulfillment. The current research was a follow-up to Raganella and White (2004) who examined motivations among academy recruits in the New York City Police Department (NYPD). Using the same survey and analysis, this study re-examined motivations among officers from the same NYPD recruit class after six years on the job, and explored both motivation stability and the relationships among motivations and job satisfaction. Results suggested that motivations have remained highly stable over time, regardless of officer race/ethnicity and gender. Findings also suggested that White male officers were most likely to report low job satisfaction, and that there is a link between low satisfaction and unfulfilled motivations. Moreover, dissatisfied officers were much less likely to have expressed strong commitment to the profession through their original motivations, suggesting that low commitment up front may lead to low satisfaction later on. The article concludes with a discussion of implications for police departments, particularly with regard to recruitment and retention practices and efforts to achieve diversity.  相似文献   
713.
This article presents findings from an evaluation of the Juvenile Breaking the Cycle (JBTC) Program, an intervention that was designed to provide criminal justice system monitoring and individualized treatment and services to substance-using youth who were assessed as high recidivism risks following an initial police encounter. Results from logistic and negative binomial regression models, using repeated data measures, indicated that JBTC participants, relative to baseline and a sample of comparison youth, were significantly less likely to be arrested and had significantly fewer arrests in the six to twelve months after entering the program. The JBTC Program appears to be one that jurisdictions should consider replicating in an effort to address the needs of juveniles who are at risk for delinquency and substance use in their communities.  相似文献   
714.
715.
From opposite sides of the legal profession, and from oppositesides of the world, we began 2008 as editorial greenhorns. Althoughreasonably long in the tooth as trust lawyers, and as text bookauthors, we have come to understand and appreciate a great dealthat previously we had taken for granted. In "Winston Churchill as Historian", in Louis (ed) Adventureswith Britannia: Personalities, Politics and Culture in Britain(1995), 47, Lord Blake recorded the great man as having describedcultured people as "merely the glittering scum which floatsupon the deep river of production." Most trust lawyers are  相似文献   
716.
Significant attention has been given to the necessary conditions for a viable and legitimate European polity. Drawing on traditions in political philosophy, a central strand of this debate has concerned what must be common to a set of people such that they may be ruled through the same institutions, with various types of collective bond proposed as possible bases for political community. The argument of this article is that many such approaches, which conceive a bond in terms of shared interests, cultural attributes or shared values and principles, are liable either to underplay or to overplay how much the citizens of a polity must have in common, tending either to empty public life of the pursuit of shared ends or conversely to downgrade the importance of adversarialism. Both may be seen as depoliticising moves. The article goes on to explore how a more explicitly political bond, based on the appraisal of political problems, might be conceived for a European polity.  相似文献   
717.
718.
719.
720.
When donors contemplate providing financial support to United Nations institutions they encounter a menu of funding options. Some UN institutions require mandatory dues, but most rely substantially on voluntary contributions, which donors can choose to earmark for specific purposes. How donors provide resources has widespread effects on the authority of UN governing bodies, donor control over UN programs, and the efficiency of UN operations. What explains how donors choose to fund UN programs and agencies? We advance a theory that emphasizes member state preferences over the affordability and policy substance of IO activity. Using data from two novel experiments and a case study of U.S. funding practices toward the United Nations (1945–1980s), we provide mixed-method evidence showing that a state is more likely to provide voluntary contributions when its preferences over the affordability and policy of IO activity differ from those of the governing coalition and more likely to provide mandatory contributions when its preferences are consistent with those of the governing coalition. Further, we demonstrate that preferences over policy substance are particularly important in explaining recent trends in donor earmarking.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号