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von Moltke Konrad Mann Howard 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2001,1(1):103-119
Trade regimes at all levels have confronted the dual challenge of rapidly expanding foreign direct investment, and the vigorous growth of international environmental regimes. Attempts to develop a global investment regime have encountered resistance, not least from environmental interests. At the same time, regional trade regimes have sought to address both the environmental and the investment agenda but in a very different manner. This article looks at problems encountered with the investor-state dispute settlement process established by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The institutional dimension of this process is largely drawn from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and existing international institutions for commercial arbitration. The article traces some of the difficulties encountered in attempting to use institutions designed for a specific purpose and implemented in one organizational context, to achieve a different purpose in another organizational context. It discusses the problems that arise when institutions appropriate for settling commercial disputes between private actors are used as the basis for balancing private interests and public goods, the environment in particular. It highlights the importance of a more developed understanding of the interplay between institutions and organizations at the international level so as to avoid undesired outcomes. 相似文献
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Elizabeth Lin Howard Barbaree Avra Selick Elke Ham Andrew S. Wilton Yona Lunsky 《心理学、犯罪与法律》2017,23(9):914-926
Individuals with intellectual and developmental disabilities (IDD) in forensic inpatient beds are both complex and understudied. Previous studies have been limited and largely based on smaller clinical samples. We used data from a population-based cohort of Ontario adults with IDD (H-CARDD cohort, n?=?66,000) to describe their prevalence in forensic inpatient beds during 2005–2015 and compare their demographic and clinical profiles with non-IDD forensic patients. Results show that forensic patients with IDD and without IDD have similar profiles, with the exception that patients with IDD are more likely to have a psychiatric disorder and to be younger, rural, and have high or very high morbidity. Strong support was found for disproportionate admission: individuals with IDD are 12.2% of forensic inpatients but only 0.8% of the general population (d?=?1.57). Support for disproportionate utilization was less dramatic and mixed. Little difference was found in terms of the per cent of longer-stay (treatment) admissions or multiple forensic admissions; however, patients with IDD did have longer number of bed days over 10 years (averaging 220.6 days more, d?=?0.28). A better understanding of the barriers to discharge for individuals with IDD will support implementation of appropriate pathways out of the hospital. 相似文献
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Committees have been established to improve legislation and make expert recommendations. However, many bills do not appear in committees, and how they reach the Senate floor varies in style and strategy. We develop and test expectations for when, as well as how, bills bypass Senate committee proceedings. The procedures legislators use to circumvent committees and what makes committee bypassing more probable are explored. The findings clearly demonstrate that bills introduced by ideologically extreme minority-party members are more likely to bypass committees. We also show a clear shift in the procedural choices senators make as the Senate becomes increasingly polarized. This article highlights the procedural choices members make, how these choices produce differing outcomes, and suggests evidence of positive agenda power for individual minority-party senators. 相似文献
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Howard Brick 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2019,24(2):182-200
ABSTRACTIn US intellectual and academic life, the 1940s and 1950s stand out as a period abounding with attempts to assay the characteristic and distinctive forms of ‘American culture’ and ‘American society,’ from Gunnar Myrdal’s An American Dilemma and the oft-noted ‘Tocqueville revival’ to works by Harold Laski, Max Lerner, David Riesman, C. L. R. James, the ‘consensus historians,’ and the early writers in the field of American Studies. Viewed as the culmination of a half-century span (roughly 1900–1950) of cultural nation-building, this rush of ‘American’ definitions at mid-century was shot through with politics – but in complex ways that are not adequately captured by the familiar recourse to Cold War anticommunism as the presumed ideological bedrock of the time. By treating this cultural nationalism as the outcome of an uneven and combined intellectual-historical process, we see how elusive (and illusory) the enterprise of designating ‘American’ traits actually was. 相似文献
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José A. Bauermeister Marc A. Zimmerman Tracey E. Barnett Cleopatra Howard Caldwell 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2007,36(7):877-890
Researchers have found mixed support for documenting whether work is protective or harmful during adolescence. This study
examined the association between work and problem behaviors among African American youth (N = 592; 53% female; M = 14.8 years, SD = .60) followed from mid-adolescence to young adulthood over eight Waves (90% response rate over the first four Waves and
a 68% response rate across all eight Waves). We explored three competing operationalizations of work: work history (never
worked, worked), work intensity (no work, 20 h or less, and 21 h or over), and work trajectories (never worked, episodic work,
stopped working, late starter, and consistent worker). Non-working youth reported higher marijuana use during young adulthood
than their working counterparts. Nonworkers reported lower self-acceptance during young adulthood than those working greater
number of hours per week. Differences in work trajectories for cigarette use, depression, and anxiety during adolescence imply
that when and for how long youth work are also important factors to explore. Our findings lend tentative support to the work
benefits perspective and suggest that the association between work and problem behaviors may depend on the work measure used.
We discuss the implications of employing different work measures in adolescent research.
相似文献
Cleopatra Howard CaldwellEmail: |
519.
Howard Rosenthal 《Public Choice》2018,174(1-2):1-1
William Baumol’s model predicts a steady increase in relative public sector prices (or costs) because of the combination of slow productivity growth and wage growth similar to sectors wherein productivity is growing more quickly. In this paper, we extend the Baumol model with political variables and analyze price growth in defense and public administration using Norwegian data. We find strong support for the mechanism of the Baumol model since manufacturing productivity is the most important determinant of relative public-sector prices. Greater political fragmentation has also contributed to the price growth, but its quantitative effect is smaller than that of manufacturing productivity. An analysis of a labor-intensive private service (restaurants and cafes) supports the broader relevance of the Baumol mechanism and the validity of the estimated effect of political fragmentation on the two sectors considered herein. 相似文献
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