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91.
Cynthia M. Caron 《Development in Practice》2018,28(7):872-883
This article examines activities undertaken by civil society organisations in Zambia to create gender-transformative change in customary tenure systems. It is based on primary data collected through interviews and group discussions with NGO representatives, lawyers and women’s rights advocates, chiefs, women leaders, and local community members. The findings show that organisations pursue change by leveraging global and national frameworks and discourses and working with traditional authorities, local magistrates, men and women at the village level. Promoting gender transformative change requires multi-level networking and working across hierarchies of power that extend from the household to the state. 相似文献
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ABSTRACTIn unpacking the results of an in-depth longitudinal program evaluation, and in light of literature on police education, we analyse the various elements that contribute to the dynamic delivery of teaching in a police academy. A mixed-method analysis of 5 years of student evaluations enriched with the views of police education managers, coordinators, and educators provides an overview of the circumstances in which educators teach police recruits, the dynamics which unfold when teaching police, and the necessary characteristics for educators when addressing a police audience. This analysis positions the Tasmanian model of police education as an interesting case study in the midst of relatively critical literature about police education, and even more cautious studies on higher education partnerships in policing. 相似文献
94.
Isabelle V. Barker 《New Political Science》2013,35(4):407-427
Pentecostalism is one of the world's fastest growing religions, expanding most quickly in Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa, and parts of Asia. To make sense of this expansion in so many developing regions, I suggest that Pentecostalism fosters norms and behaviors that harmonize with neoliberal economic restructuring. I frame this theoretically with Polanyi's notion of double movement. In our current era of weakened state governance vis-à-vis neoliberal trade and fiscal policy, non-state sites of reaction have emerged. Pentecostalism is one such site, and, in contrast with Polanyi's example, I suggest that Pentecostalism has embedded the self-regulated aspects of neoliberal capitalism. I make this argument by using the feminist political economy theorization of social reproduction to interpret a number of empirical studies of Pentecostalism. Pentecostalism addresses dilemmas of social reproduction engendered by neoliberalism, and so may be said to embed this form of economic organization in human social life in a way that reinforces neoliberal capitalism. 相似文献
95.
Isabelle Le Blanc‐Louvry M.D. Ph.D. Fréderique Papin M.D. Emmanuelle Vaz M.D. Bernard Proust M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(6):1640-1643
After strangulation, cervical arterial injuries (CAI) are uncommon. We report three unusual cases where strangulation induced immediate stroke. CAI were examined using brain CT scan and Doppler ultrasonography in the three cases and then by autopsy in one of the victims. One of the two victims who survived the attempted strangulation had a unilateral carotid dissection, whereas in the other victim, no arterial dissection or thrombosis was observed. As regards the deceased victim, the autopsy confirmed the bilateral dissection showed on CT scan and Doppler ultrasonic examination and revealed that both carotid arteries were dilated up to two times the normal diameter. Microscopic examination showed a major bilateral hemorrhagic dissection of the media with obliterating fibrous endarteritis lesions associated with inflammatory damage. CT scan with arteriography does not demonstrate all the different types of arterial injury, particularly atheromatous embolism, direct compression, or prolonged spasm. Thus, traditional autopsy remains an essential forensic tool after strangulation to show the type of CAI. 相似文献
96.
Isabelle Petit 《European Law Journal》2006,12(5):661-679
Abstract: There is a broad agreement on the fact that today there is a wide gap between the European Union (EU) and the citizens of the Member States. According to a common belief, this gap is the result of a deliberate decision made by the founding fathers and subsequent European officials to keep the integration dynamic distant from the people. Yet, if we look closely at their writings and actions that were initiated by the European Commission at an early stage in the integration process, we can only conclude that there is little evidence to support this common belief. On the contrary, it appears that the founding fathers were eager to inform the public on issues related to the communities and that they did not hesitate to support measures aimed at enhancing knowledge about Europe, its policies, and its institutions. It is essential to question these beliefs in order to improve our understanding of the democratic deficit in the EU and especially of the solutions proposed for remedying it. If we admit that the founding fathers never had the intention of keeping the people in ignorance and that some actions were rapidly taken to bring the EU closer to them then it becomes difficult to claim that a reduction of the democratic deficit will follow when decision-makers simply imagine and adopt programmes aimed at bridging the gap. The question then becomes why have this socialisation and this 'rapprochement' not occurred. 相似文献
97.
The paradox of deliberative democracy: The National Action Committee on the Status of Women and Canada's policy on reproductive technology 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This article explores the relationship between inclusive and deliberative social movement organisations (SMOs) and state authorities. Three perspectives are presented. The first perspective argues in favour of an autonomous public sphere, in which SMOs establish only indirect relations with state authorities. This perspective suggests that direct relations are unnecessary to exert influence on policy choices. In contrast, the second perspective advocates an inclusive state, invested with SMOs. While direct cooperation guarantees policy influence, it does not necessarily lead to co-optation on the part of SMOs. The third perspective is primarily concerned with the impact of deliberative and strategic ideas and practices on power relations within SMOs. It argues that state authorities have expectations toward the public sphere that sometimes feed into the tension within SMOs between the proponents of deliberation and those in favour of strategic action. When this organisational strife reaches a critical point, the capacity of a SMO to contribute to both deliberation and policy-making are seriously undermined. Our empirical analysis of the contribution of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) on the issue of assisted reproductive technology (ART) in Canada during a period of 15 years provides strong support for this third perspective. 相似文献
98.
99.
Isabelle Rati?? 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2011,39(4-5):479-501
This article examines how the Kashmiri non-dualistic ?aiva philosophers Utpaladeva (tenth century) and Abhinavagupta (10th?C11th centuries) present and criticize a theory expounded by certain Buddhist philosophers, identified by the two ?aiva authors as Sautr??ntikas. According to this theory, no entity external to consciousness can ever be perceived since perceived objects are nothing but internal aspects (??k??ra) of consciousness. Nonetheless we must infer the existence of external entities so as to account for the fact that consciousness is aware of a variety of objects: just as a mirror takes on a variegated appearance only by reflecting a multiplicity of objects that remain external to it, in the same way, phenomenal variety can be explained only by assuming the existence of various objects external to consciousness. In ???varapratyabhij???k??rik??s I, 5, 8?C9 and their commentaries, Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta endeavour to criticize this theory, which challenges their own idealistic principles: according to them, the Sautr??ntikas?? inference is neither legitimate nor even possible. The passage is particularly telling as regards the strategy developed by Pratyabhij??? philosophers with respect to their Buddhist opponents: they make use of certain arguments propounded by Dharmak??rti in defense of Vij???nav??da in order to criticize the Sautr??ntikas?? inference, but they also exploit this discussion to underline the superiority of their idealism over that of the Vij???nav??dins. 相似文献
100.
Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) police/rule of law missions in the Western Balkans are increasingly guided by externally imposed normative agendas that respond primarily to EU internal security needs rather than functional imperatives or local realities. In line with these needs, EU police reform efforts tend to prioritise effectiveness and crime fighting over longer- term democratic policing and good governance reforms. In practice this means that police reform initiatives are technocratically oriented, yet value ridden fitting EU security concerns and needs. As a result, the police reform process can be—and often is—disconnected from the political and socio-economic reforms necessary for long-term stability and sustainable peace. Police assistance in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been shaped by a determined albeit questionable focus on organised crime and corruption. The focus of EU police reform in Macedonia on primarily crime-fighting aspects of policing has compromised thefunctioning of the Macedonian police. Similarly, the politics of (non-)recognition of Kosovo's self-proclaimed independence and the intrusiveness of EULEX Kosovo's executive mandate contravene meeting local challenges. 相似文献