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National autonomy and democratic standardization: Should popular votes on European integration be regulated by the European Union? 下载免费PDF全文
Joseph Lacey 《European Law Journal》2017,23(6):523-535
Given the increasing use of direct democratic devices on questions of European integration, this paper explores whether or not Member States may have good reason to agree on common regulations for popular votes of this nature. Conceiving of the European Union as a political system designed to serve the interests of states and citizens, it is argued that where direct votes have the potential to undermine the territorial, functional, normative or existential integrity of the EU, then states may have good reason to sacrifice a degree of national autonomy to adopt common regulations for certain uses of direct democracy. This leads to a case for democratic standardization across Member States when it comes to withdrawal, accession, Treaty ratification and opt‐in decisions. 相似文献
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Since Hong Kong's reunification with the People's Republic of China in 1997, debates about patriotism have erupted from time to time in Hong Kong. Considering Hong Kong's socio-political background, the feelings and attachment of Hongkongers towards their motherland are unsurprisingly complex. We therefore need a multidimensional concept to capture the complexities of Hong Kong patriotism. Based on survey data, we propose that the term ‘liberal patriotism’ best describes the type of patriotism in Hong Kong society, which is that love of the homeland and the state are qualified by liberal democratic values. 相似文献
916.
It has long been recognized that Instant Runoff Voting (IRV) suffers from a defect known as nonmonotonicity, wherein increasing support for a candidate among a subset of voters may adversely affect that candidate’s election outcome. The expected frequency of this type of behavior, however, remains an open and important question, and limited access to detailed election data makes it difficult to resolve empirically. In this paper, we develop a spatial model of voting behavior to approach the question theoretically. We conclude that monotonicity failures in three-candidate IRV elections may be much more prevalent than widely presumed (results suggest a lower bound estimate of 15 % for competitive elections). In light of these results, those seeking to implement a fairer multi-candidate election system should be wary of adopting IRV. 相似文献
917.
Joseph F. Kulas Bradley N. Axelrod Anthony R. Rinaldi 《Psychological injury and law》2014,7(3):236-244
Assessment of the validity of neuropsychological test data has become an ensconced aspect of the assessment process. Among the more popular free-standing performance validity measures (PVMs) is the Test of Memory Malingering (Tombaugh 1996). Given the popularity of this measure, a number of researchers (i.e., Trial 1 (Denning, 2012); TOMMe10 (Denning, 2012); Albany Consistency Index (Gunner, Miele, Lynch, & McCaffrey, 2012)) have sought to expand its utility by increasing the number of scoring approaches associated with its administration. This paper aimed to cross-validate prior work by examining the performance of these measures in a mixed clinical sample of veterans referred for neuropsychological evaluation. All five examined measures provided good to excellent discrimination of patients determined to be putting forth poor effort based on failure of two or three alternate measures of performance validity. Traditional scoring approaches revealed high rates of specificity, with lower rates of sensitivity. The newer measures performed well for both sensitivity and specificity at higher base rates. However, predicted performance in low base rate populations (i.e., 0.10) using the newly derived scoring failed to reach predetermined cutoffs for specificity (0.90). Further examination of the cumulative performance of the scoring approaches indicated that administration of only two initial scoring indices was necessary to obtain a high rate of classification. 相似文献
918.
Although numerous studies document the effect of political institutions on foreign direct investment (FDI), few works in the political economy literature have investigated the link between political institutions and the mode of entry chosen by investors, be it mergers and acquisitions, joint ventures, or greenfield investments. Using panel data for 111 developing countries covering 1980–2006, we find that countries with political institutions that uphold good governance tend to attract higher levels of mergers and acquisitions, as opposed to joint ventures and greenfield investments, because such institutions help to mitigate the special risks faced by merger and acquisition investors. Our findings provide a nuance for understanding the different effects of political institutions based on the particular mode of entry. 相似文献
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Joseph Lee 《美中法律评论》2014,(1):34-56
The article discusses whether the UK's liberal regulatory model for the audit profession could benefit China as it continues its reform towards a western-inspired liberal market economy. China has already carried out substantial reforms." the disaffiliation programme, audit industry consolidation, and the diffusion of international audit norms. However, substantial deficiencies in the Chinese audit profession remain, and corporate audit continues to lack credibility. Adopting a system modelled on that used in the UK could resolve these issues. However, if China chose to adopt the UK's liberal regulatory model, it would not only require economic reform, but also structural reform to its political system. This would include removing conflicts of interest between the audit profession and companies controlled by public authorities; the development of an independent self-regulatory system accountable to the judiciary; corporate democratisation; the development of private enforcement and the introduction of an independent judicial system. 相似文献