首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   1409篇
  免费   56篇
各国政治   66篇
工人农民   61篇
世界政治   123篇
外交国际关系   78篇
法律   699篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   46篇
政治理论   382篇
综合类   9篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   21篇
  2019年   27篇
  2018年   50篇
  2017年   55篇
  2016年   43篇
  2015年   31篇
  2014年   50篇
  2013年   220篇
  2012年   42篇
  2011年   62篇
  2010年   38篇
  2009年   31篇
  2008年   55篇
  2007年   54篇
  2006年   64篇
  2005年   54篇
  2004年   54篇
  2003年   53篇
  2002年   32篇
  2001年   19篇
  2000年   17篇
  1999年   18篇
  1998年   16篇
  1997年   14篇
  1996年   11篇
  1995年   17篇
  1994年   21篇
  1993年   16篇
  1992年   12篇
  1991年   11篇
  1990年   9篇
  1989年   14篇
  1988年   15篇
  1987年   15篇
  1986年   7篇
  1985年   16篇
  1984年   9篇
  1983年   13篇
  1982年   12篇
  1981年   7篇
  1979年   10篇
  1978年   13篇
  1977年   9篇
  1976年   11篇
  1975年   13篇
  1974年   11篇
  1973年   8篇
  1972年   11篇
  1967年   8篇
排序方式: 共有1465条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
951.
The human right to development divides academic thought. On the one hand, it is mistrusted as an apology for human rights (and other) abuses. On the other, it remains a central pillar of the UN‐led campaign against poverty. Building on the concept of the right to participate in development framed in the UN General Assembly Declaration of 1986, this article seeks to show that there is some scope for the rehabilitation of that right. It demonstrates how the development discourse has tended to exclude minority and subaltern groups. Drawing on the insights of legal pluralism, it then outlines ways in which, for example, indigenous communities have reasserted some control over the development process, before suggesting how this could lay the basis for the wider rehabilitation of the idea of a human right to development.  相似文献   
952.
The study of interstate conflict has yielded a voluminous literature to date, yet much of the recent work has only just begun to underscore the importance of domestic factors in predicting conflict initiation in democracies. In short, some of these studies find that when electoral accountability is greater—measured in a variety of ways—interstate conflict becomes less likely. Despite this burgeoning literature, scholars have spent far less time analysing the role linkage institutions, such as stable party systems, have played in foreign policy discussions. To address this gap, we argue that in more stable party systems conflict initiation becomes less likely due to the greater accountability present in these systems. This conjecture is supported by the results of a time-series cross-sectional analysis of 48 democracies from 1978 to 2000 that uses multiple measures of conflict initiation and party system stability.  相似文献   
953.
954.
For close to 50 years, so-called 'dons' have positioned themselves as civic leaders in Jamaica, gaining acceptance among poor urban communities and (tacit) political recognition in the wider society. The dons' systematic, coercive organisation of the ghetto community and the counter-hegemonic, executive-style bureaucracy and culture entrenched here resembles the 'godfather'-led criminal culture and power of the (Italian) Mafia. However, over the last ten years the Mafia has faced a considerable decline in its omnipotence, due to increased state intervention and resistance within civil society, particularly by women in the local Italian communities. This article attempts to ascertain if such a 'reversible destiny' is also thinkable in Jamaica.  相似文献   
955.
956.
957.
Herbert Packer’s models of the criminal process are criminal justice theorems, often the foundation of student introduction to the field in introductory textbooks. To date, there is little empirical analysis of the conceptual foundations of the process-based models, namely that courts are more efficient through the utilization of plea bargains, while an increase in trials necessarily decreases efficiency. The present results reveal wide variability in Florida circuit criminal court efficiency within and between circuits from 2004/05 to 2010/11. Regression analysis revealed that the year over year difference in both plea bargain (β?=?.14) and trial percentage (β?=?.13) significantly predicted (p?<?.05) year over year changes in efficiency, but explained a small amount of the variance (R 2?=?.026) controlling for other factors (total model R 2?=?.58–.62). These results show there is more capacity for trials within the Florida courts, and an increase in trials does not negatively impact court efficiency as expected but that other factors are far more relevant in explaining changes in efficiency outcomes. Furthermore, the Packer “assembly line” analogy, a basic tenet of the criminal process, is not found: plea bargains do not strongly predict or explain court efficiency, with structures playing a greater role in court outcomes than the processes conceptualized by Packer. The application to courts and impact on criminal justice education are discussed.  相似文献   
958.
959.
960.
Netherlands International Law Review -  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号