国际反恐警务合作——国际刑警组织和欧洲刑警组织的比较（下）

三、欧洲刑警组织与国际反恐警务 欧洲自20世纪70年代开始制定了专门的反恐政策。例如，为应对恐怖主义及相关国际犯罪，1975年。欧洲警察机构建立相关机制，交流有关恐怖主义、激进主义、极端主义和国际暴力集团的信息。1993年，《欧盟宪章》第6条对国际暴力集团、有关欧洲机构的司法惯例和移民问题进行了规制，以作为欧盟成员国之间取消边境控制的补救性措施。1997年，欧洲成立了一个反恐预备小组，以决定欧洲刑警组织在反恐事务中的职能和作用。随后的《阿姆斯特丹条约》扩大了欧洲刑警组织在反恐事务中的权限。     

Forced Displacement and Technology Adoption: An Empirical Analysis Based on Agricultural Households in Bosnia and Herzegovina

We use the Bosnian Living Standards Measurement Study (LSMS) survey to show that conflict-induced displacement of agricultural households dramatically affects the adoption of new technologies in agriculture. We exploit the heterogeneity in the level of violence in the pre-war location to account for selection bias. This natural experiment seems to be a source of exogenous variation in our case because violence aims at ethnic cleansing, without economic consideration. We find that the displaced are less likely than stayers to adopt fertiliser and pesticide.     

The Provision of Highways in Canada and the Federal Government

This article presents the role of the Canadian federal governmentin the provision of highways since 1867, describes the CanadianNational Highway System, and presents 1989–1998 data onhighway-related revenues and expenditures by the governmentsin both Canada and the United States. The article then examineswhy the Canadian federal government intervention on highwaysis incontestably smaller than that of the federal governmentin the United States. Our hey finding is that the policy ofthe Canadian government in the provision of highways since Confederationin 1867 can be characterized as "no policy." Its interventionsare best characterized by various ephemeral programs, the mainpurposes of which are often other than coordinating or promotinghighway construction.     

Critical peacebuilding and the dilemma of difference: the stigma of the ‘local’ and the quest for equality

Recent research has revealed the need to include and understand local actors in order to improve the effectiveness of peacebuilding. According to these analyses, peacebuilding could become more respectful of cultural differences thanks to a genuine engagement with the specificities of the local. Empirical studies of the ‘different’ local have thus flourished in the field with the ambition of countering the universalist tendency of traditional peacebuilding. Through the use of the concept of ‘dilemma of difference’, this article challenges this intuitive argument and argues that these approaches risk reproducing a stigma attached to the ‘different’ local. Indeed, emphasising difference in order to ensure its respect means separating and reifying ‘it’ as a deviation from the norm(al). As such, this analytical strategy is likely to recreate the stigma that contributed to the exclusion of local actors in previous peacebuilding practice and research. In contrast, I outline three strategies for studying difference differently in peacebuilding: focusing on the institutional arrangements that enabled specific differences to emerge and become visible; recognising that these differences are internal to peacebuilding (and thus an unlikely source of alternative and emancipation); and revealing the unstated and implicit Self for/from whom local difference is relevant.     

How did the disclosure of lobbying targeting Quebec's hospitals become mandatory and with what effect?

In 2015 mandatory disclosure activity for lobbying that targeted health and social service centres in Quebec, a sector which consumes a significant share of the annual spending budget, suddenly became a mandatory disclosure activity for lobbyists operating in the province. This research note traces the trajectory of key events that led to this shift towards greater lobbying transparency in the health care sector. The study also analyzes whether this change was followed by increased lobbying registrations for activities targeting health sector institutions. The article's findings suggest that significant change in lobbying regulation may occur accidentally, against the government's will, rather than as a result of an ethical scandal, cross-jurisdictional learning, or electoral calculations, as the literature suggests. The article's findings also show that the change was followed by an increase of about 969 registered firm lobbyists (p-value 0.015) and 254 registered lobbyists from covered NGOs (p-value 0.00).     

Functional stakes and EU regulatory governance: temporal patterns of regulatory integration in energy and telecommunications

Abstract

One of the most fiercely debated questions about EU regulatory governance is the respective role played by functional and political factors in regulatory integration. This article contributes to this debate by focussing on the functional factor. Based on a refined conceptualisation of functional stakes, it finds that they vary across sectors, evolve over time, and that these variations are reflected in the degree of regulatory integration observed. When member states perceive regulatory integration as a solution to one of their most pressing problems of the moment, they value – and sometimes even actively push for – the delegation of regulatory powers to the EU. This argument is subject to a credibility probe based on two within-sector analyses of temporal patterns of regulatory integration in energy and telecommunications. The empirical analysis lends support to the conditioning role of the functional factor in the design of EU regulatory governance.     

Do Canadian university students in Political Science and Public Administration learn to perform critical appraisal?

The ability to critically appraise empirical studies of any type is a prerequisite to evidence‐informed policy making. We scanned the syllabi of all Canadian university undergraduate and graduate programs in public affairs, public administration, public policy and political science. Our findings suggest that evidence‐informed policy is not yet institutionalized in most public administration and political science training curricula. We conducted a systematic review of prospective experimental and quasi‐experimental studies examining the effect of university courses aimed at training social sciences students in critical appraisal, but did not find such a study.     

The Structural Transformation of Sociology

The advent of public sociology over the past decade represents the end of a string of crisis moments in sociology. Since the 1950s and, especially, the 1960s, sociology was argued to be in a crisis because the discipline was thought to be conservative and contributing to sustain the status quo. As a result, the 1970s witnessed a radicalization of sociology, but the 1980s saw a general decline of sociology. Upon a resurgence during the 1990s, the crisis advocates have come back with a vengeance in the form of a renewed commitment to a heavily politicized sociology under the heading of public sociology, a perspective that is now thoroughly institutionalized and widely embraced. In sociology, the effects of the 1960s thus began to be felt in earnest some 40 years late.     

Union voucher at the sickbed of French unionism? The CFDT union confederation and the AXA experiment, 1981–1993

In the 1980s, to address financial difficulties, the CFDT (a French reformist union) proposed an original solution – the union voucher – aimed at broadening its membership base and generating new resources. It affords unions with funding from a company, which annually distributes vouchers to employees, who can remit the voucher (or not) to unions of their choice. This mechanism is based both on company financing and the individual choices of employees. In the early 1990s, the insurance company AXA experimented with and then adopted this solution. This article traces the history of the union voucher and assesses the union’s experience.